919 resultados para the Prime Minister


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One of the major planks of some visions for E-Gov is that there is a willing participatory group who are more than happy to be involved in new forms of democracy and will be active and useful suppliers of input to e-consultation or e-participation processes. This group is different from that which goes online to the government site web and signs a petition asking the prime minister to resign. It is becoming clear, though, that the commitment to e-participation may well be there in theory, but difficult to access in practice. Further, the participation which is most welcome can frequently require training and expertise which is not widely available or there may be differences in opinion as to the point of participation. In this paper I will look to the attempts to encourage participation in the patent system. The UK is about to initiate a trial system utilising New York Law School’s Peer To Patent project, but has also attempted to involve participants in previous consultation exercises. I will use these as demonstrations of the sorts of problems which e-participation has met, and consider whether this new form of E-Gov is perhaps being oversold. The interesting question is whether participation is a growing tool which can ensure better public services from the State. My conclusion is that consultation and participatory projects can demonstrate involvement and are certainly educative but e-participatory projects are most likely incapable of achieving the goals set by their more optimistic advocates. The paper emphasises the patents field, but the lessons from it can – I suggest – be viewed as indicators having wider governance relevance. The primary point being made is that the technocratic view is always over-optimistic.

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To test the applicability of the sex-specific 2008 Framingham general cardiovascular risk equation for coronary heart disease (CHD) and stroke in European middle-aged men from Ireland and France.

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Objective: To simultaneously evaluate 14 biomarkers from distinct biological pathways for risk prediction of ischemic stroke, including biomarkers of hemostasis, inflammation, and endothelial activation as well as chemokines and adipocytokines.
Methods and Results: The Prospective Epidemiological Study on Myocardial Infarction (PRIME) is a cohort of 9771 healthy men 50 to 59 years of age who were followed up over 10 years. In a nested case–control study, 95 ischemic stroke cases were matched with 190 controls. After multivariable adjustment for traditional risk factors, fibrinogen (odds ratio [OR], 1.53; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.03–2.28), E-selectin (OR, 1.76; 95% CI, 1.06–2.93), interferon-γ-inducible-protein-10 (OR, 1.72; 95% CI, 1.06–2.78), resistin (OR, 2.86; 95% CI, 1.30–6.27), and total adiponectin (OR, 1.82; 95% CI, 1.04–3.19) were significantly associated with ischemic stroke. Adding E-selectin and resistin to a traditional risk factor model significantly increased the area under the receiver-operating characteristic curve from 0.679 (95% CI, 0.612–0.745) to 0.785 and 0.788, respectively, and yielded a categorical net reclassification improvement of 29.9% (P=0.001) and 28.4% (P=0.002), respectively. Their simultaneous inclusion in the traditional risk factor model increased the area under the receiver-operating characteristic curve to 0.824 (95% CI, 0.770–0.877) and resulted in an net reclassification improvement of 41.4% (P<0.001). Results were confirmed when using continuous net reclassification improvement.
Conclusion: Among multiple biomarkers from distinct biological pathways, E-selectin and resistin provided incremental and additive value to traditional risk factors in predicting ischemic stroke.

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With the United Kingdom’s continued membership of the EU being increasingly questioned and the Prime Minister, David Cameron, committed to 're-negotiate’ the terms of membership, consideration is being given to what forms alternatives to [full] membership may take. While much current discussion focuses on the advantages and disadvantages of particular existing arrangements (e.g. European Economic Area, Swiss bilateralism), this paper examines the broader principles and practices that have to date underpinned – and undermined – EU’s attempts to develop alternatives to [full] EU membership. Drawing on an analysis of the evolution of association as an alternative to membership, the paper assesses the principled, practical and political limitations the EU faces – and imposes on itself – in offering an acceptable balance of rights and obligations to states not wishing to assume the mantle of full membership. In its assessment the paper considers various proposed models of affiliate and associate membership. It also situates consideration of the UK case in the broader context of the EU’s relations with other European non-member states for which membership may not be achievable and for which alternatives to membership (e.g. a form of privileged partnership) have been proposed. In doing so, the paper reflects on the precedent-setting consequences of any arrangement that the EU might reach with any state re-negotiating membership or withdrawing.