948 resultados para social integration


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Presentaciones de Alicia Bárcena y Christof Kersting.

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La integración de la población juvenil en los procesos de desarrollo es crucial para avanzar hacia una sociedad más igualitaria. En los últimos años, la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) ha postulado la consideración de la igualdad como el horizonte del desarrollo, el cambio estructural como el camino y la política como el instrumento para alcanzarlo. Se plantea interpretar la igualdad desde una perspectiva que vaya más allá de la distribución de medios, como los ingresos monetarios, y que incluya igualar oportunidades y capacidades. Esto significa entender la igualdad como el pleno ejercicio de la ciudadanía, en dignidad y con el reconocimiento recíproco de los actores. Para avanzar en esa línea, se necesitan políticas que promuevan tanto la autonomía de los sujetos como la atención a sus vulnerabilidades.

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Det här är en kvalitativ studie med syftet att studera föreningen som en etnisk gränsöverskridande mötesplats och social integrationsaktör. Metodologiskt strukturerades studien kring sju halvstrukturerade intervjuer med en föreningsordförande och föreningsaktiva medlemmar från en internationell vänskapsförening i en glesbygdskommun i Mellansverige. Empirin har analyserats utifrån en teoretisk utgångspunkt i socialt kapital. Resultatet visar att det både finns möjligheter för och hinder mot föreningen som etnisk gränsöverskridande mötesplats. Föreningen fungerar som etniskt överbryggande i betydelsen av att internt inom föreningen överbrygga etniska och språkliga skiljelinjer, men hinder mot att uppnå externa överbryggande värden begränsas av svårigheter att nå ut till närsamhället och till personer med svensk bakgrund i verksamheten. Föreningens betydelse som en social integrationsaktör framträder på tre centrala områden; föreningens betydelse för social gemenskap och socialt samspel och för kontakter och nätverk och slutligen som informationskanal. Föreningen har störst betydelse för föreningsaktiva med utländsk bakgrund, framförallt i ett socialt avseende.

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For several reasons citizenship and democracy has moved into political and research focus. Socio-cultural tensions and inequalities created by globalisation processes boosted by neo-liberal modes of government seem to inspire a concern with “social cohesion”, and the European Community assigns a key role to education in engendering European democratic citizenship. It can be questioned whether it is within the scope of educational programmes to ensure social integration and democracy. However, to clarify the perspectives of the educational issue, the article discusses the conflicts and relationships between cultural identity and democracy within a framework of modernity before returning to the issue of education for democratic citizenship. It is shown on the basis of empirical studies that family background interacts with school factors in the reproduction of democratic inequalities. It is also indicated, however, that this must not be considered an unchangeable pedagogical fact, and the article briefly sketches a set of pedagogical and research challenges concerned with educating for democratic empowerment at different levels of school practice. Although this paper focuses on education and the educational system, the arguments and findings presented can also claim relevance for social pedagogy and social work, esp. in respect of recent developments that stress the educational dimensions of social work.

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Post-Fordist economies come along with post-welfarist societies marked by intensified cultural individualism and increased structural inequalities. These conditions are commonly held to be conducive to relative deprivation and, thereby, anomic crime. At the same time, post-welfarist societies develop a new ‘balance of power’ between institutions providing for welfare regulation, such as the family, the state and the (labour) market – and also the penal system. These institutions are generally expected to improve social integration, ensure conformity and thus reduce anomic crime. Combining both perspectives, we analyse the effects of moral individualism, social inequality, and different integration strategies on crime rates in contemporary societies through the lenses of anomie theory. To test our hypotheses, we draw on time-series cross-section data compiled from different data sources (OECD, UN, WHO, WDI) for twenty developed countries in the period 1970-2004, and run multiple regressions that control for country-specific effects. Although we find some evidence that the mismatch between cultural ideal (individual inclusion) and structural reality (stratified exclusion) increases the anomic pressure, whereas conservative (i. e. family-based), social-democratic (i. e. state-based) and liberal (i. e. market-based) integration strategies to a certain extent prove effective in controlling the incidence of crime, the results are not very robust. Moreover, reservations have to be made regarding the effects of “market” income inequality as well as familialist, unionist and liberalist employment policies that are shown to have reversed effects in our sample: the former reducing, the latter occasionally increasing anomic crime. As expected, the mismatch between cultural ideal (individual inclusion) and structural reality (stratified exclusion) increases the anomic pressure, whereas conservative (i. e. family-based), social-democratic (i. e. state-based) and liberal (i. e. market-based) integration strategies generally prove effective in controlling the incidence of crime. Nevertheless, we conclude that the new cult of the individual undermines the effectiveness of conservative and social-democratic integration strategies and drives societies towards more “liberal” regimes that build on incentive as well as punitive elements.