876 resultados para responsible party government
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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Entre 1930 e 1964, um período de rápido crescimento econômico no Brasil, a expansão do ensino primário foi muito aquém do suficiente para superar o relativo atraso educacional. Este artigo sustenta não apenas que houve pouco interesse dos governos, como também que a estrutura administrativa e de financiamento da educação primária foi também responsável pela manutenção do atraso. A administração do ensino primário era de responsabilidade estadual, mas o governo federal, que detinha grande parte da receita tributária, não financiava adequadamente os estados. A comparação com o caso dos Estados Unidos parece apoiar as conclusões desse trabalho.
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O presente artigo aborda os métodos construtivos empregados pelos imigrantes japoneses que vieram, em 1918, para a cidade de Registro, na região do Vale do Ribeira do Iguape, no estado de São Paulo. A vinda dessa nova frente de imigração foi incentivada pelo Governo do Estado, com o propósito de promover o processo de colonização, bem como de estimular o desenvolvimento econômico do Vale do Ribeira do Iguape por meio da expansão da cultura do café para a região. As características dessa frente de imigração são muito diferenciadas em relação às demais, tendo em vista que os que dela faziam parte chegaram ao Brasil como proprietários de terras e com apoio financeiro e logístico oferecido por uma empresa particular japonesa, responsável por gerenciar o empreendimento. Esses imigrantes, portanto, contaram com auxílio de uma complexa infra-estrutura, cujo objetivo era viabilizar a sua missão de desenvolvimento da região. Mesmo tendo essa particularidade lhes proporcionado a liberdade de recriar sua cultura em solo brasileiro, a realidade do novo habitat forçou-os a reinterpretar seus hábitos culturais ante as novas circunstâncias físicas, econômicas e sociais encontradas. A fim de entender esse processo de adaptação, foi realizado um estudo dos métodos construtivos empregados em suas edificações, baseado nos conhecimentos desses imigrantes sobre sua arquitetura tradicional. Essa análise permitiu examinar o longo processo de sincretismo entre a cultura oriental e o conhecimento construtivo vernáculo dos habitantes do Vale do Ribeira do Iguape.
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The State Reform processes combined with the emergence and use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) originated electronic government policies and initiatives in Brazil. This paper dwells on Brazilian e-government by investigating the institutional design it assumed in the state's public sphere, and how it contributed to outcomes related to e-gov possibilities. The analyses were carried out under an interpretativist perspective by making use of Institutional Theory. From the analyses of interviews with relevant actors in the public sphere, such as state secretaries and presidents of public ICT companies, conclusions point towards low institutionalization of e-gov policies. The institutional design of Brazilian e-gov limits the use of ICT to provide integrated public services, to amplify participation and transparency, and to improve public policies management.
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This article analyzes the Brazilian political system from the local perspective. Following Cox (1997), we review the problems with electoral coordination that emerge from a given institutional framework. Due to the characteristics of the Brazilian Federal system and its electoral rules, linkage between the three levels of government is not guaranteed a priori, but demands a coordinating effort by the parties' leadership. According to our hypothesis, the parties are capable of coordinating their election strategies at different levels in the party system. Regression models based on two-stage least squares (2SLS) and TOBIT, analyzing a panel of Brazilian municipalities with data from the 1994 and 2000 elections, show that the proportion of votes received by a party in a given election correlates closely with its previous votes in majoritarian elections. Despite institutional incentives, the Brazilian party system shows evidence that it is organized nationally to the extent that it links the competition for votes at the three levels of government (National, State, and Municipal).
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The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.
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Parson speaking at LBJ visit to Brisbane, Australia in 1966. Alf Saunders, Communist Party of Australia member and PMG linesman is facing the parson. Demonstrations were held during the visit to Australia by President Lyndon Johnson.