864 resultados para national history curriculum
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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This text is aimed at disseminating cultural and environmental wealth of a region little known of major tour operators - which is strongly marked by historical traditions, in a bucolic rural still and by the hospitality of its residents. The Historic Valley of Rio Paraíba do Sul, although located in the Rio - Sao Paulo road lives in the shadow of the remarkable progress of the industrial cities in the main Valley. This paper presents results of research that deepened the knowledge of this region, with notable findings from the standpoint of culture and tourism, regional and national history. Isolated by considerable geographical barriers, this region has two aspects: the rebirth of nature after the decline of coffee plantations, with ecological sanctuaries that can now point toward environmental sustainability, and the formation of a culture with two historical times - refinement inherited from the barons coffee, paradoxically linked to the rustic countryside and modernity derived of its proximity to major centers. The results presented here are part of exploratory research, but were presented at different events, emphasizing the baroque character of practices derived from these two historical times and tourist potential related to the “cultura tropeira” and to hospitality that marks this countryside.
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The research notes retrieve and review articles of Professor João Augusto de Toledo published in the Escola Normal Secundária de São Carlos Magazine. Altogether, the articles address issues of didactic teaching, national history, nationalist movement, psychology and experimental pedagogy, teacher training, organization of a primary school and childhood education. These topics are directly addressed to the person concerned.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Zunic investigated the relationship between nationalism and Serbian literature. He first analysed and evaluated the justifications for a number of critical accusations against Serbian literature. These included mythological and epic foundations (traditionalism), an obsession with national history and with the motif of the Serbian people as an eternal victim, the domination of the collective over the individual (populism), an anachronistic romantic conception of the social function of literature. In order to gain an unbiased judgement of the nationalistic role of contemporary Serbian literature, Zunic prepared a list of those books with the greatest number of copies issued in the decade 1985-1995, and constructed an appropriate hermeneutic procedure of understanding the meaning of the content and form of these works. He concluded that contemporary Serbian literature is in fact occupied with national history, and also with the unmasking of communist totalitarianism. The most influential books express and document either nationally-oriented or civil-oriented world views. The former, although mostly not militant works (with their realistic "closed" form), might have had an ideological influence on the Serbian national consciousness, while the civil-oriented works (with their "open" modern or post-modern form) could not neutralise all these extra-literary effects of the nationally-oriented works, since the predominant way of reading is a communication with the literary content (realised as a testimony of historical facts), and not with the literary form (as a carrier of the artistic value and a "moderator" of any content).
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In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.
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Este trabajo de investigación es una reconstrucción de la historia del peronismo provincial a lo largo de los dieciocho años de proscripción (1955-1973) que padeció dicho partido, analizando las conductas seguidas por este frente a la coyuntura nacional. La hipótesis central de trabajo busca demostrar que, a pesar de los intentos de la oposición y de los gobiernos militares de desmembrar al movimiento y canalizar sus partes hacia otros sectores, las medidas coercitivas, la inhibición a participar en el juego institucional y el ataque constante a sus bases, fortalecieron al peronismo generando una activa gimnasia partidaria que contribuyó a la creación de las condiciones necesarias que permitieron su retorno al poder. El resultado de esta investigación constituye un aporte imprescindible por cuanto hasta el momento no existe ningún otro trabajo sobre este tema, y ha quedado plasmado en esta exposición escrita compuesta de cinco capítulos que toman como eje central la “proscripción"que fue el signo característico de estos 18 años. El primer capítulo es una síntesis de la historia nacional del período, mientras que los cuatro restantes abordan la evolución del peronismo en Mendoza tomando como base los distintos gobiernos de turno.
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Desde su aparición, el peronismo ocupa un lugar protagónico en la(s) memoria(s) y la historia argentina, que, lejos de extinguirse, se revitaliza con el correr del tiempo. En esa tradición peronista, la figura de Evita representa un icono fundamental, respetado y recordado por los peronistas como por gran parte de sus opositores políticos. Esta etapa de la vida argentina se ha convertido, por años, en pieza de un enfrentamiento entre esas memorias, enfrentamiento que supera los campos histórico y sociológico. Atendiendo esta perspectiva, este trabajo procura analizar la figura de Eva como acontecimiento constitutivo de memoria(s) colectiva(s) y su presencia como parte de nuestra historia nacional, intentando vislumbrar discontinuidades y diferencias en la construcción de esas memorias como así también advertir el uso político que se hace del pasado para edificar una historia nacional.
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Este artículo discute las concepciones de jóvenes brasileños, argentinos y uruguayos sobre los sujetos en la historia, en función de su aprendizaje histórico escolar y extra-escolar. Los datos fueron obtenidos a partir de la encuesta internacional " Jóvenes frente a la historia " . Los cuestionarios estuvieron dirigidos a estudiantes de 15 años y sus profesores, y se utilizó mayormente la escala Likert. Teóricamente, la investigación se sustenta en los conceptos de conciencia histórica y cultura histórica, formulados por la Didáctica de la historia alemana, pero también en el concepto de cultura política. Los resultados apuntan que, dentro del universo estudiado, las llamadas " personalidades importantes " típicas de la enseñanza escolar de la historia son reconocidas en lo que se refiere a los "padres fundadores" de las naciones, pero no en cuanto sujetos que hicieron la historia nacional. De la misma manera ocurre en el caso de los personajes femeninos. Ciencia, tecnología e invenciones son vistos como un factor de cambio más importante que las "personas importantes" y estos, a su vez, han sido superados por la importancia reconocida a los movimientos colectivos
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Las misiones jesuitas en el espacio de la cuenca del Plata son bastante conocidas en la historiográfica nacional. Desde la relación geográfica de Azara hasta los últimos aportes de Di Stefano y Zanatta en su "Historia de la Iglesia Argentina ", la historia de los "30 pueblos" en la provincia argentina de Misiones ha dado mucho que hablar -y escribir- a lo largo de la historia nacional. Esto es perceptible tanto en las imágenes idílicas de comunión entre jesuitas y guaraníes hasta los trabajos que develan los complejos sistemas de alianzas que posibilitaban la aparente sumisión guaraní al dominio español. Pero todas estas imágenes deben considerarse como el estado final de un proceso que -con sus marchas y contramarchas- se inicia a principios del siglo XVII, cuando los jesuitas comienzan su tarea evangelizadora con los indígenas. Será nuestra intención trabajar las dos primeras décadas de la fundación y funcionamiento de las misiones jesuitas en el Guayrá (1609-1629), momento en el cual van tomando forma las estrategias y estructuras de dominación, cuando la metodología de la prueba y error es moneda corriente, y los enfrentamientos entre indígenas, jesuitas, españoles y portugueses tienen lugar en el marco de una frontera tan inestable como era en ese momento la región guayrense.
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La escritura de la historia en las primeras etapas de construcción del Estado nacional mexicano estuvo marcada por los múltiples efectos negativos que supuso la inestabilidad política y la invasión extranjera; no obstante, hubo diversos esfuerzos para considerar la necesidad y la utilidad de una historia nacional, así como la urgencia de implementar instituciones que fomentaran y crearan las condiciones de factibilidad para estudiar el pasado nacional mexicano; para ejemplificar estas situaciones se indicarán los esfuerzos de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, las propuestas de Manuel Larráinzar y la publicación de México a través de los siglos.
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Entendiendo que la construcción de identidad es un proceso relacional, la aproximación al "Otro" -en este caso lo africano- es una forma no sólo de conocimiento de las otras identidades sino, sobre todo, de construcción de la propia identidad. Africa, junto a las comunidades originarias, ha tenido muy poca presencia en la educación formal argentina. Tampoco fue sumada al proceso de construcción de lo que se denominó: "identidad argentina". En consecuencia, ante las nuevas situaciones producto de la globalización, el siguiente artículo analizará la presencia de las sociedades africanas en los actuales Diseños Curriculares de Ciencias Sociales e Historia del nivel secundario de la provincia de Buenos Aires
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El currículum de historia escolar y los libros de texto no han evolucionado al ritmo de la investigación histórica. Así puede comprobarse analizando quiénes son los seleccionados para protagonizar los hechos y los procesos históricos. Ni en el currículum ni en los manuales de didáctica de la historia ni en los libros de texto se concede la importancia que se debería a las mujeres, los niños y niñas, a los miembros de cualquier minoría, a los pobres, a los homosexuales, a aquellas personas y grupos que no pertenecen a la elite y a la minoría dirigente. En este trabajo presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre los protagonistas, sobre los actores, de la historia desde la historiografía y desde la didáctica de la historia y analizamos su tratamiento en libros de texto de historia de la educación primaria chilena