103 resultados para militancy


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This thesis aims to analyze how the performance of the coalitions affected the formulation process of the Programa Universidade para Todos ─ Prouni. This is a program in which students from public high school, or who have been integral stock in private colleges and universities receive scholarships in private institutions, which receive tax incentives in federal taxes. As analytical framework, was used the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) framework developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1993) that conceives the process of formulation of policies as a result of competition between groups of actors called coalitions, which are involved or interested in an issue of public policy. The actors coalesce into coalitions from beliefs, values, technical postures and positions on operational matters of public policy and act coordinately to defend their interests, interfering in the formulation of policies. With regard to methodological aspects, it is a qualitative study that used a narrative structure to present the development of Brazilian higher education and Prouni, analyzing official documents, shorthand notes of public congressional hearings and interviews with servers who worked in Ministry of Education (Brazil) time of program formulation, legislative counsel of the brazilian congress, plus the former deputy rapporteur of the Bill 3.582 / 2004, which led to Prouni. Two coalitions were identified: statist, which stood contrary to the program, and privatized, which defended its formulation. The clashes, which occurred mainly in Congress, highlight the strategies to operationalize beliefs. The two coalitions heavily used technical information and mobilization, through militancy (mobilizate troops). However, privatizing coalition acted more strongly in this case and was able to turn their beliefs into more effective action strategies. The final configuration of the Prouni was beneficial for private institutions, and showed a change in public policies related to higher education, since government support through tax breaks, before granted only to non-profit IES, became extensive also the IES with lucrative purpose.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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El objetivo de este estudio es analizar el recorrido de las sufragistas argentinas a lo largo de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Destacaremos sus espacios de militancia y los cambios habidos en ellos teniendo en cuenta las modificaciones que la llegada del gobierno peronista imprimió a la movilización política de las mujeres después de la sanción de la ley de derechos políticos femeninos en 1946

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El objetivo de este estudio es analizar el recorrido de las sufragistas argentinas a lo largo de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Destacaremos sus espacios de militancia y los cambios habidos en ellos teniendo en cuenta las modificaciones que la llegada del gobierno peronista imprimió a la movilización política de las mujeres después de la sanción de la ley de derechos políticos femeninos en 1946

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El objetivo de este estudio es analizar el recorrido de las sufragistas argentinas a lo largo de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Destacaremos sus espacios de militancia y los cambios habidos en ellos teniendo en cuenta las modificaciones que la llegada del gobierno peronista imprimió a la movilización política de las mujeres después de la sanción de la ley de derechos políticos femeninos en 1946

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Thee 2016 Austrian presidential election saw a run-o between the Green party candidate Alexander Van der Bellen and the Freedom Party of Austria’s (FPÖ) far-right candidate Norbert Hofer. This paper asks: How did voters of Hofer express their support on Facebook? It presents the results of a qualitative ideology analysis of 6755 comments about the presidential election posted on the Facebook pages of FPÖ leader Heinz-Christian Strache and FPÖ candidate Hofer. The results reveal insights into the contemporary political role of the online leadership ideology, online nationalism, new racism online, the friend/enemy-scheme online, and online militancy. Right-wing extremism 2.0 is a complex problem that stands in the context of contemporary crises and demagoguery.

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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose

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ABSTRACT - Meta-cinema can depict film viewers’ attitudes towards cinema and their type of devotion for films. One subcategory of viewers - which I call meta-spectators - is highly specialized in its type of consumption, bordering on obsession. I contend that there are two main varieties of meta-cinematic reception, not altogether incompatible with one another, despite their apparent differences. As both of them are depicted on meta-cinematic products, the films themselves are the best evidence of my typology. My categories of film viewers are the ‘cinephile’, an elite prone to artistic militancy and the adoration of filmic masters; and the ‘fan’, a low culture consumer keen on certain filmic universes and their respective figures and motifs. I will base my rationale on four films that portray such reception practices: Travelling Avant (Jean-Charles Tacchella, 1987, FRA), The Dreamers (Bernardo Bertolucci, 2003, UK/FRA/ITA); Free Enterprise (Robert Mayer Burnett, 1998, USA); Fanboys (2009, Kyle Newman, USA).

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Atendendo ao lugar que atualmente a Língua Portuguesa (LP) ocupa no Mundo e ao crescente interesse da sua aprendizagem, é importante pugnar por uma consciencialização mais efetiva desta realidade junto dos alunos das nossas instituições de Ensino Básico e Secundário. A LP apresenta atualmente todas as condições para ser uma das protagonistas na economia mundial (Reto,2012). A explosão demográfica sentida em alguns dos países lusófonos, bem como o crescimento económico de outros tornam a LP a “nova linguagem do poder e do comércio”, tal como a designou Steve Bloomfield da revista Monocle Magazine, 57 (6), no artigo "A nova linguagem do poder e do comércio", em outubro de 2012. Se acrescentarmos que os seus falantes se encontram espalhados pelo planeta, adicionamos mais uma vantagem competitiva desta língua. Nesta perspetiva, realizou-se um estudo numa turma de Português do 10º ano do Ensino Secundário, Curso Profissional de Técnico de Comércio, numa escola em Aveiro, com uma amostra de quinze alunos. Para tal, na senda de uma coerência interna da investigação (Quivy e Campenhoudt, 2013), partimos dos objetivos, quer de natureza investigativa (Analisar os conhecimentos dos alunos sobre a realidade da lusofonia), quer de índole pedagógico-didática (Refletir e aprofundar conhecimentos sobre a diversidade linguística da LP e a importância destes conhecimentos na aprendizagem desta língua; Promover a valorização da diversidade linguística da LP). Os objetivos específicos do estudo empírico desta investigação passaram pela análise e pelo diagnóstico dos conhecimentos globais dos alunos sobre a realidade da lusofonia e ainda pelo (re)conhecimento das suas representações sobre o valor e o peso de importância da LP no contexto global das restantes línguas de conhecer as representações dos alunos sobre a LP, sobre as suas potencialidades e sobre a importância da lusofonia para a afirmação do valor desta língua. Os resultados obtidos apontam para um desconhecimento das línguas do mundo e do lugar ocupado pela LP nesse contexto. Para além disso, estes estudantes revelam uma visão eurocêntrica da LP, negligenciando as restantes variedades geográficas e culturais. Também relativamente ao ensino da língua, em termos pessoais atribuem-lhe algum reconhecimento, embora este seja mais evidente no domínio profissional. Tudo isto reforça a premência de um papel ativo dos professores na militância pelo reconhecimento da notoriedade da importância da LP no mundo atual.

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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose

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Esta investigación busca analizar como se modificaron las relaciones entre India y Pakistán luego de los atentados de Mumbai 2008, a la luz de la cultura de anarquía hobbesiana. Para ello, se explicará como la estructura de anarquía ha sido un catalizador en la modificación de la toma de decisiones de los Estados, sobretodo teniendo en cuenta la característica de Pakistán como un Estado predador. Se demostrará si gracias a estos atentados la actuación de India en el conflicto ha cambiado y percibe a su par como un ente violento y predispuesto a la agresión. Para ello se entrará a explicar el devenir histórico de la relación, la intensidad del grupo perpetrador (Lashkar-e-Taiba) y las posiciones de ambos Estados frente a los atentados.

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El objetivo de esta monografía es analizar el proceso de descentralización de Al Qaeda a causa del debilitamiento de su centro en Afganistán por la intervención militar de la coalición occidental. Se estudia como Al Qaeda deja de ser una organización jerárquica, comenzando a organizarse en red. Estas trasformaciones se pueden explicar a la luz de los principales postulados de la teoría de Guerra en Red, que incluyen la falta de un liderazgo central, y la distribución en enjambre para atacar. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, finalmente se demuestra que mediante la expansión de la red, Al Qaeda aún bajo su situación de debilidad ha mantenido vigente la yihad trasnacional a través de las organizaciones filiales en África.