981 resultados para malaysian anti-corruption policies


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The aim of this study was to determine the prevalence of anti-Leptospira spp. antibodies in dogs living in the urban area of the city of Ilheus, Bahia, Brazil using the microscopic agglutination test (MAT) to investigate 24 serovars. A semi-structured questionnaire was administered to dog owners to collect data about demography, husbandry and environmental factors. The prevalence of anti-Leptospira spp. antibodies in the population of 282 dogs was 7.1% (95% confidence interval: 4.4-10.7%). Serovar Copenhageni was the most prevalent, followed by serovars Bratislava, Canicola and Gryppotyphosa. No risk factor was detected with regard to demography (age, gender and breed), husbandry (Leptospira vaccinations, food and water exposure through their environment, hunting habits, contact with other animals and contact with rats) and environmental factors (sewage network, garbage collection, history of flooding, river proximity and wastelands). Despite the low prevalence found in this study, the seroprevalence of Leptospira spp. in healthy dogs in Ilheus indicates the presence of this agent in the environment, which may be a source of human infection. Knowledge of the serovars present in this environment is important for understanding the epidemiology of leptospirosis and establishing public health policies aimed at its control. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Introdução No contexto da valorização crescente do teste anti-HIV como estratégia de prevenção programática, a promoção do teste anti-HIV como estratégia de prevenção entre homens que fazem sexo com homens (HSH) é fundamental. Objetivo - Analisar os fatores associados tanto ao uso rotineiro como episódico do teste anti-HIV. Métodos - Os participantes foram 946 HSH entrevistados pelo Projeto SampaCentro em locais de sociabilidade HSH da região central de São Paulo entre novembro de 2011 e janeiro de 2012, nunca testados ou que procuraram o teste espontaneamente. A metodologia de amostragem foi a time-space-sampling e foram utilizados protocolos do Stata 12.0 para análise de amostras complexas. Os homens que se testaram por rotina ou episodicamente foram comparados aos nunca testados. As variáveis analisadas nos dois modelos de regressão de Poisson foram divididas em três níveis: características sociodemográficas (primeiro nível); socialização na comunidade gay e exposição da orientação sexual, discriminação e opiniões e atitudes em relação ao HIV/Aids e ao teste (segundo nível); percepção de risco, estratégias de prevenção e práticas e parcerias sexuais (terceiro nível). Resultados Os homens que se testaram rotineiramente eram mais velhos e moradores no Centro de SP. Além disso, tinham exposto a orientação sexual para profissional de saúde, sido discriminados em serviços de saúde mas não por amigos e/ou vizinhos (em razão da sexualidade) e não mencionaram medo do resultado do teste como motivo para HSH não se testarem. Também tinham maior probabilidade de conhecer pessoa soropositiva e de ter parcerias estáveis sem sexo anal desprotegido nas casuais (comparado a ter apenas parcerias casuais protegidas). Os homens que se testaram episodicamente eram mais velhos, residentes do Centro de SP, não moravam com parentes, expuseram sua orientação sexual para profissional de saúde, não reportaram medo do resultado do teste como barreira, conheciam pessoa soropositiva e mencionaram parceria estável sem sexo desprotegido com parceiro casual ou então sexo desprotegido em parcerias casuais (comparado a ter apenas parcerias casuais protegidas). Conclusões Os mais jovens, os que moram fora do centro de São Paulo, e os que expões menos sua orientação sexual são os segmentos que menos se testam rotineira ou episodicamente. Assim, dependem de ações para que seu direito seja protegido e assegurado. A estigmatização e a discriminação da homossexualidade deve ser combatida para que não impeça o acesso ao teste e a outros serviços de saúde. Disseminar informações e socializar os mais jovens para o diálogo sobre as estratégias de prevenção biomédicas e estratégias comunitárias de prevenção é necessário. Para ampliar o acesso e qualidade da testagem como recurso fundamental de programas de prevenção permanece o desafio de sustentar o debate sobre sexualidade e prevenção a cada geração, assim como nos programas de formação de educadores e de profissionais de saúde de todas as áreas.

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From Introduction. Regional economic disequilibria was viewed as both an obstacle to and result of integration (European Commission 1965; European Commission 1962; European Commission 1969). Even within the Treaty of Rome, the Community tried to establish mechanisms to alleviate regional inequality. However, it was not until 1975 that the main mechanism of regional policy was established as a result of British and Irish enlargement: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Since then, cohesion policy has become a significant EU expenditure accounting for €347bn, or 35.7% of the total EU budget for 2007-13(European Commission Regional Policy-Info Regio 2012). It has also become a key policy linked to enlargement. The underlying principle of cohesion policy assumes that the market alone cannot solve development problems and therefore government intervention is needed. This notion is in direct contrast to the underlying principle of EU competition policy, which asserts that the free market can solve economic development problems (Meadows, interview by author, 2003). The logic underlying cohesion policy is not only counter to EU competition policy, but also regulatory policies. Unlike other EU policies, cohesion policy is not a sectoral policy, but rather territorial in nature (Leonardi, 2006). Thus at times EU regulatory policy has also unintentionally worked counter to the goals of regional policy, sometimes disadvantaging poorer regions (Dudek, 2005). As the Community has sought to ameliorate regional disparities, it meant that all levels of government: local, regional, national and supranational would need to be involved, however, member states have different territorial governance and European regional development programs have to varying degrees impacted the relationship and policy responsibility of different levels of government (Leonardi, 2006; Bachtler and Michie 1993; Marks, 1993). The very nature of regional development policy has provoked a re-examination of subsidiarity, or which level of government is the lowest and most appropriate level. The discussion of policy formulation and implementation at the lowest level possible also addresses the issue of the democratic deficit. Some argue that the closer government is to the people the more responsive and representative it is. Democracy, however, also implies that public funds are used in a transparent way and for public rather than private good. Yet, as we examine the history and current situation of EU regional funds we find that corruption and misuse still abound. Thus, to understand the history of regional policy it is imperative to look at the major transformations of the policy, how regional policy has impacted subsidiarity and the quality of democracy, become an important instrument of enlargement and contradicted or conflicted with other EU policies.

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Significant growth in mobile media consumption has prompted a call to better understand the socio-cultural and policy dimensions of consumer choices. Contrary to industry and technology led analysis, this study argues that to guide consumer choice and innovation via regulatory policies requires an understanding of both ex-ante as well as in ex-post consumption conditions. This study examines mobile phone gaming to uncover how consumer anti-choice shapes decision-making as a framework for closely interrogating the ways in which policy concerns impact on consumers' behavior. Through eleven focus groups (n=62), the study empirically identifies voluntary, intentional, and positive consumer anti-choice behaviors all of which impact policy initiatives when consumers, both gamers and non-gamers, self-regulate their behaviors. Findings point to four types of policy implication: regulating the self-regulated, understanding anti-choice, boundary-setting and including the self-excluded. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.

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Con el fin de la unipolaridad no sólo se fortalecieron mecanismos de gobernanza global como los Regímenes Internacionales, sino también se fortalecieron actores no estatales. A pesar de la importancia que tomaron estos dos elementos aún no existe una teoría que explique exhaustivamente la relación que existe entre ellos. Es por lo anterior que, la investigación busca responder de qué manera el rol de las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional ha incidido en la evolución del régimen de tráfico de personas en la Región del Mekong. Asimismo tiene como objetivo comprender las relación entre el Régimen y las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional a través de la formulación de un caso de estudio basado en metodologías cualitativas, específicamente, en el análisis teórico-constructivista y el análisis de contenido de documentos producidos por actores estatales y no estatales.

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Ethanol consumption damages the prostate, and testosterone is known by anti-inflammatory role. The cytokines were investigated in the plasma and ventral prostate of UChB rats submitted or not to testosterone therapy by ELISA and Western blot, respectively. Additionally, inflammatory foci and mast cells were identified in the ventral prostate slides stained by hematoxylin and eosin and toluidine blue, respectively. Inflammatory foci were found in the ethanol-treated animals and absent after testosterone therapy. Plasma levels of IL-6 and IL-10 were not changed while TNFα and TFG-β1 were increased in the animals submitted testosterone therapy. Regarding to ventral prostate, IL-6 did not alter, while IL-10, TNFα, and TFG-β1 were increased after testosterone therapy. Ethanol increases NFR2 in addition to high number of intact and degranulated mast cell which were reduced after testosterone therapy. So, ethanol and testosterone differentially modulates the cytokines in the plasma and prostate.

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Basic phospholipases A2 (PLA2) are toxic and induce a wide spectrum of pharmacological effects, although the acidic enzyme types are not lethal or cause low lethality. Therefore, it is challenging to elucidate the mechanism of action of acidic phospholipases. This study used the acidic non-toxic Ba SpII RP4 PLA2 from Bothrops alternatus as an antigen to develop anti-PLA2 IgG antibodies in rabbits and used in vivo assays to examine the changes in crude venom when pre-incubated with these antibodies. Using Ouchterlony and western blot analyses on B. alternatus venom, we examined the specificity and sensitivity of phospholipase A2 recognition by the specific antibodies (anti-PLA2 IgG). Neutralisation assays using a non-toxic PLA2 antigen revealed unexpected results. The (indirect) haemolytic activity of whole venom was completely inhibited, and all catalytically active phospholipases A2 were blocked. Myotoxicity and lethality were reduced when the crude venom was pre-incubated with anti-PLA2 immunoglobulins. CK levels in the skeletal muscle were significantly reduced at 6 h, and the muscular damage was more significant at this time-point compared to 3 and 12 h. When four times the LD50 was used (224 μg), half the animals treated with the venom-anti PLA2 IgG mixture survived after 48 h. All assays performed with the specific antibodies revealed that Ba SpII RP4 PLA2 had a synergistic effect on whole-venom toxicity. IgG antibodies against the venom of the Argentinean species B. alternatus represent a valuable tool for elucidation of the roles of acidic PLA2 that appear to have purely digestive roles and for further studies on immunotherapy and snake envenoming in affected areas in Argentina and Brazil.

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Hydroxyurea (HU), or hydroxycarbamide, is used for the treatment of some myeloproliferative and neoplastic diseases, and is currently the only drug approved by the FDA for use in sickle cell disease (SCD). Despite the relative success of HU therapy for SCD, a genetic disorder of the hemoglobin β chain that results in red-cell sickling, hemolysis, vascular inflammation and recurrent vasoocclusion, the exact mechanisms by which HU actuates remain unclear. We hypothesized that HU may modulate endothelial angiogenic processes, with important consequences for vascular inflammation. The effects of HU (50-200 μM; 17-24 h) on endothelial cell functions associated with key steps of angiogenesis were evaluated using human umbilical vein endothelial cell (HUVEC) cultures. Expression profiles of the HIF1A gene and the miRNAs 221 and 222, involved in endothelial function, were also determined in HUVECs following HU administration and the direct in vivo antiangiogenic effects of HU were assessed using a mouse Matrigel-plug neovascularization assay. Following incubation with HU, HUVECs exhibited high cell viability, but displayed a significant 75% inhibition in the rate of capillary-like-structure formation, and significant decreases in proliferative and invasive capacities. Furthermore, HU significantly decreased HIF1A expression, and induced the expression of miRNA 221, while downregulating miRNA 222. In vivo, HU reduced vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF)-induced vascular development in Matrigel implants over 7 days. Findings indicate that HU is able to inhibit vessel assembly, a crucial angiogenic process, both in vitro and in vivo, and suggest that some of HU's therapeutic effects may occur through novel vascular mechanisms.

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Hybrid bioisoster derivatives from N-acylhydrazones and furoxan groups were designed with the objective of obtaining at least a dual mechanism of action: cruzain inhibition and nitric oxide (NO) releasing activity. Fifteen designed compounds were synthesized varying the substitution in N-acylhydrazone and in furoxan group as well. They had its anti-Trypanosoma cruzi activity in amastigotes forms, NO releasing potential and inhibitory cruzain activity evaluated. The two most active compounds (6, 14) both in the parasite amastigotes and in the enzyme contain the nitro group in para position of the aromatic ring. The permeability screening in Caco-2 cell and cytotoxicity assay in human cells were performed for those most active compounds and both showed to be less cytotoxic than the reference drug, benznidazole. Compound 6 was the most promising, since besides activity it showed good permeability and selectivity index, higher than the reference drug. Thereby the compound 6 was considered as a possible candidate for additional studies.

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The essential oil from the leaves of Ocimum kilimandscharicum (EOOK), collected in Dourados-MS, was investigated for anticancer, anti-inflammatory and antioxidant activity and chemical composition. The essential oil was extracted by hydrodistillation, and the chemical composition was performed by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry. The essential oil was evaluated for free radical-scavenging activity using the DPPH assay and was tested in an anticancer assay against ten human cancer cell lines. The response parameter (GI50) was calculated for the cell lines tested. The anti-inflammatory activity was evaluated using carrageenan-induced pleurisy in mice. The chemical composition showed 45 components with a predominance of monoterpenes, such as camphor (51.81%), 1,8 cineole (20.13%) and limonene (11.23%). The EOOK exhibited potent free radical-scavenging activity by the DPPH assay with a GI50 of 8.31 μg/ml. The major constituents, pure camphor (IC50=12.56 μg/ml) and mixture of the limonene: 1, 8 cineole (IC50=23.25 μg/ml) displayed a potent activity. The oral administration of EOOK (at 30 and 100 mg kg(-1)), as well as the pure camphor or a mixture of 1,8 cineole with limonene, significantly inhibited the carrageenan (Cg) induced pleurisy, reducing the migration of total leukocytes in mice by 82 ± 4% (30 mg kg(-1) of EOOK), 95 ± 4% (100 mg kg(-1) of EOOK), 83 ± 9% (camphor) and 80 ± 5% (mixture of 1,8 cineole:limonene 1:1). In vitro cytotoxicity screening against a human ovarian cancer cell line displayed high selectivity and potent anticancer activity with GI50=31.90 mg ml(-1). This work describes the anti-inflammatory, anticancer and antioxidant effects of EOOK for the first time. The essential oil exhibited marked anti-inflammatory, antioxidant and anticancer effects, an effect that can be attributed the presence of majorital compounds, and the response profiles from chemical composition differed from other oils collected in different locales.

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Leaves of Passiflora alata Curtis were characterized for their antioxidant capacity. Antioxidant analyses of DPPH, FRAP, ABTS, ORAC and phenolic compounds were made in three different extracts: aqueous, methanol/acetone and ethanol. Aqueous extract was found to be the best solvent for recovery of phenolic compounds and antioxidant activity, when compared with methanol/acetone and ethanol. To study the anti-inflammatory properties of this extract in experimental type 1 diabetes, NOD mice were divided into two groups: the P. alata group, treated with aqueous extract of P. alata Curtis, and a non-treated control group, followed by diabetes expression analysis. The consumption of aqueous extract and water ad libitum lasted 28 weeks. The treated-group presented a decrease in diabetes incidence, a low quantity of infiltrative cells in pancreatic islets and increased glutathione in the kidney and liver (p<0.05), when compared with the diabetic and non-diabetic control-groups. In conclusion, our results suggest that the consumption of aqueous extract of P. alata may be considered a good source of natural antioxidants and compounds found in its composition can act as anti-inflammatory agents, helping in the control of diabetes.

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Perianal fistulizing Crohn's disease is one of the most severe phenotypes of inflammatory bowel diseases. Combined therapy with seton placement and anti-TNF therapy is the most common strategy for this condition. The aim of this study was to analyze the rates of complete perianal remission after combined therapy for perianal fistulizing Crohn's disease. This was a retrospective observational study with perianal fistulizing Crohn's disease patients submitted to combined therapy from four inflammatory bowel diseases referral centers. We analyzed patients' demographic characteristics, Montreal classification, concomitant medication, classification of the fistulae, occurrence of perianal complete remission and recurrence after remission. Complete perianal remission was defined as absence of drainage from the fistulae associated with seton removal. A total of 78 patients were included, 44 (55.8%) females with a mean age of 33.8 (±15) years. Most patients were treated with Infliximab, 66.2%, than with Adalimumab, 33.8%. Complex fistulae were found in 52/78 patients (66.7%). After a medium follow-up of 48.2 months, 41/78 patients (52.6%) had complete perianal remission (95% CI: 43.5%-63.6%). Recurrence occurred in four (9.8%) patients (95% CI: 0.7%-18.8%) in an average period of 74.8 months. Combined therapy lead to favorable and durable results in perianal fistulizing Crohn's disease.

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The development of inhibitory antibodies against factor VIII (FVIII) (inhibitor) is the major complication in haemophilia A patients. The FVIII-binding antibodies development comprises a polyclonal immunoglobulin (Ig) G response. Recent studies showed strong correlation between the presence of neutralizing anti-FVIII antibodies (inhibitors) and IgG4 subclass. The aim of this study was to evaluate anti-FVIII IgG subclasses in haemophilia A patients with inhibitor both in a cross-sectional and in a longitudinal analysis. Inhibitors were determined by Nijmegen-Bethesda assay. Anti-FVIII IgG subclasses were performed by ELISA, and samples from 20 healthy individuals were used to validate the test. We studied 25 haemophilia A patients with inhibitor, previously treated exclusively with plasma-derived FVIII concentrates or bypassing agents. The IgG subclasses distributions were evaluated in two groups of patients classified according to inhibitor response. IgG1 and IgG4 antibodies were most prominent in haemophilia A patients with inhibitors when compared with IgG2 and IgG3. This study reports for the first time the behaviour of FVIII-binding IgG1 and IgG4 subclasses in a longitudinal analysis, in a clinical setting, of high-response inhibitor haemophilia A patients, showing the correlation of IgG4 and the inhibitor titres. In spite of being considered a non-pathologic antibody subclass with anti-inflammatory properties in other situations, IgG4 is correlated with the presence of high-titre inhibitor in the haemophilia setting. The comprehension of the IgG4 role in immune response may be crucial to establish the process for designing specific tolerance to FVIII.