Quem pauta a pauta: rotinas produtivas do Tem Notícias Primeira Edição

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

Estado e política pública urbana: a revitalização do centro de Santos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Políticas de Segurança no Brasil: Desafios Diante das Novas Agendas

In the last two decades, the trend in security policies in Brazil shows the shift path on public policies, that allows us to see changes from state building policies to the growing presence of others public branches and civil society. From state and bureaucratic based functions, security tends to see more as problem of management and public agenda setting, mainly, with growing participation on state and local levels. Nevertheless the challenges remain in terms of changes in the whole picture of security in the country. The article explores some of them, without the desire of comprehensiveness.

Uma das faces mais obscuras deste país: a prostituição pautada pelo conexão repórter

This Project proposes a study of three documentaries about prostitution produced by a television program, Conexão Repórter (http://www.sbt.com.br/conexaoreporter/). These Journalistic Productions were chosen because they are episodes of a high-visibility program which purpose is to show the backstage of news. The study is based on social-anthropological productions about gender and sexuality, besides national and international literature about the subject. The analyses are completed with contributions from Journalism Theories, like Framing and Agenda-Setting. The studies developed by Michel Foucault on the historic aspect of sexuality will also be useful to support the ideas presented throughout the project. The goal is to analyze the construction of narratives about prostitution in all productions, taking as initial hypotheses that documentaries continue to reproduce stereotypes about the subject and, especially, what is the reason for such reproduction. The research seeks answers about journalist's challenges approaching prostitution. Starting from the hypothesis that the episodes in the study approach prostitution based on stereotypes, which other possible ways there may be to address the subject on TV documentaries? The goal is to relate the plots constructed by the reporting team with the theory in order to analyze discourses about the issue

As possibilidades interativas do telejornalismo na TV digital aberta no Brasil

This paper presents proposals for the use of interactivity in the telejournalism in an open television broadcaster and the consequences of this use. The issues raised here go beyond technical issues and also addresses issues of theoretical field. The fundamental purpose of this paper is to present interactive possibilities in television journalism as a way of providing this television format tools to keep up with technological changes in the field of production and sharing news. However, by using these tools, the television news is enabling reversal of two important hypotheses that describe the analog television journalism: Scheduling Hypothesis and the Spiral of Silence. To reach your main goal we used a theoretical framework relevant to the issues addressed here and a survey of some interactive applications for digital television developed specifically for TV newscast. From this instrument, we selected two sets of interactive features that can be employed, in general, newscasts, and how these features relate to the hypotheses of Scheduling and Spiral of Silence.

Epidemia midiática: produção de sentidos e configuração social da febre amarela na cobertura jornalística, 2007-2008

O objetivo deste artigo, situado no campo da comunicação em saúde, é analisar os sentidos atribuídos discursivamente à febre amarela silvestre durante a cobertura jornalística da epizootia da doença, ocorrida no Brasil no verão 2007-2008. Utilizando o referencial teórico das práticas discursivas e da produção de sentidos no cotidiano e as hipóteses de agendamento (agenda-setting) e enquadramento (framing) da notícia, foram analisadas todas as matérias sobre febre amarela veiculadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo, no período de 21 de dezembro de 2007 a 29 de fevereiro de 2008, e todos os documentos oficiais sobre a epizootia emitidos pela autoridade brasileira de saúde pública entre 3 de janeiro e 28 de fevereiro de 2008. Os achados indicam que as estratégias discursivas da cobertura jornalística relativizaram o discurso da autoridade de saúde pública; priorizaram a divulgação do número de casos; enfatizaram a vacinação como o limite entre a vida e a morte, omitindo riscos do uso indiscriminado do imunobiológico; e propagaram a iminência de uma epidemia de febre amarela de grandes proporções. Essas estratégias deram novos sentidos à doença, deslocando o evento de sua forma silvestre, espacialmente restrita e de gravidade limitada, para a urbana, de caráter epidêmico e potencialmente mais grave. Secundariamente, o estudo permitiu identificar os impactos desse discurso midiático sobre o sistema nacional de imunização e os riscos a que a população foi exposta em função dos sentidos produzidos: em 2008, foram registrados 8 casos de reação grave à vacina, dos quais 6 foram a óbito.

Epidemia midiática: produção de sentidos e riscos na configuração social de uma doença em discurso jornalístico

De natureza qualitativa, o estudo situa se no campo da comunicação e saúde, tendo como objetivo analisar a produção de sentidos no noticiário sobre a epizootia de febre amarela silvestre e a ocorrência de casos da doença em humanos, no verão 2007-2008. Utilizando o quadro referencial teórico das práticas discursivas e construção de sentidos no cotidiano e as hipóteses de agendamento (agenda-setting) e enquadramento (framing) da notícia, foram analisadas as matérias veiculadas pelo jornal e os documentos comunicativo-institucionais emitidos pela autoridade de saúde pública brasileira sobre a doença, no período de 21 de dezembro de 2007 a 29 de fevereiro de 2008. Os achados indicam que a veiculação de repertórios interpretativos durante a cobertura jornalística conferiu novos sentidos à febre amarela, deslocando o evento de sua forma silvestre, espacialmente restrita e de gravidade delimitada, para a urbana, de caráter epidêmico e potencialmente mais grave. Secundariamente, a análise permitiu identificar os riscos a que a população foi exposta em função dos sentidos construídos pelo noticiário durante a cobertura jornalística sobre a doença, notadamente as reações adversas graves à vacina antiamarílica. No período analisado no estudo foram aplicadas mais de 13 milhões de doses do imunobiológico (cerca de 10 milhões de doses acima da distribuição de rotina, segundo o Ministério da Saúde). Em pouco menos de dois meses, mais de 7,6 milhões de vacinas foram aplicadas, 6,8 milhões só em janeiro, mês em que foi registrado o maior volume de notícias sobre a febre amarela. Em 2008, foram contabilizados seis óbitos por reação adversa pós-vacinal grave, dois quais três por doença viscerotrópica, a mais rara e grave reação à vaina. Todas as mortes foram registradas na Grande São Paulo, região em que circulou o noticiário analisado neste estudo e que é indene para febre amarela silvestre.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

The EU as an Effective Trade Power? Strategic Choice of Judicial Candidates in the Context of the World Trade Organization

Drawing on the European Union (EU) foreign policy literature on effectiveness, this article studies how the European Union chooses judges to serve on the World Trade Organization’s key judicial institution: the Appellate Body. Conceptually, the article differentiates between effectiveness in representation and effectiveness in impact. The article shows how delegation to the European Commission has increased the strategic agenda-setting power for championing its preferred candidates. The article further compares European and US practice in nominating candidates. Overall, the article finds that effectiveness in representation has increased over time. In terms of effectiveness in impact, the article shows how the international environment conditions the EU’s influence. The article also exposes the difficulties of studying the effectiveness of EU external relations due to the peculiar decision-making processes dominant in judicial bodies.

Immigrant Incorporation in Western Europe

Immigrant incorporation (or integration) is a subfield of migration studies, and it constitutes a genuinely interdisciplinary undertaking of sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, lawyers, and historians. In none of these disciplines, however, has it carved out an established niche for itself. In contrast to the United States, where the study of immigrant integration (or “assimilation” as US researchers prefer to say) is more firmly grounded in sociology than in political science, a characteristic of the European scene is a larger prominence of political scientists, macro comparativists, and legal-institutional scholars. This reflects the fact that immigrant integration in Europe is, to a much larger degree than in the United States, framed by public policies, and it often goes along with major transformations of state institutions (most importantly citizenship) and national identities. European states (even France) are ethnic nation-states, where sedentariness and not moving is the norm, and they stand for countries that are much less attuned to, and constituted by, international migration than the classic immigrant nations of North America and Oceania. Overall, European scholarship is marked, on one side, by single-country studies by national experts, which are often solicited by their respective governments interested in policy advice (but increasingly also supported by supranational research bodies). On the other side, most agenda-setting work has grown out of qualitative single-person studies (often dissertations) by macro sociologists and political comparativists not (or only incidentally) rooted in national university systems and disconnected from policy contexts. The field is in need of further conceptual development and of theoretically reflected, genuinely comparative work of the second type, which is mostly off the public funding radar.

The EU’s Choice of Regulatory Venues for Trade Negotiations: A Tale of Agency Power?

This article focuses on the EU’s strategy for choosing regulatory venues to negotiate trade agreements. It analyses the existence of a clear venue hierarchy since the late 1990s and the recent change leading to a blurring of any clear preference for using bilateral, inter-regional or multilateral settings. The article challenges domestic explanations of the EU’s choice of venue, stressing the autonomy of the Commission as a major factor. Using a principal-agent framework, it shows that the Commission’s agenda-setting powers, the existence of interest divergence among principals (e.g. Member States, business groups) and the multi-level system facilitate agency.

Managing the risks of medical technology: Do hazard surveillance systems provide an early warning of medical device problems?

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is responsible for risk assessment and risk management in the post-market surveillance of the U.S. medical device industry. One of the FDA regulatory mechanisms, the Medical Device Reporting System (MDR) is an adverse event reporting system intended to provide the FDA with advance warning of device problems. It includes voluntary reporting for individuals, and mandatory reporting for device manufacturers. ^ In a study of alleged breast implant safety problems, this research examines the organizational processes by which the FDA gathers data on adverse events and uses adverse event reporting systems to assess and manage risk. The research reviews the literature on problem recognition, risk perception, and organizational learning to understand the influence highly publicized events may have on adverse event reporting. Understanding the influence of an environmental factor, such as publicity, on adverse event reporting can provide insight into the question of whether the FDA's adverse event reporting system operates as an early warning system for medical device problems. ^ The research focuses on two main questions. The first question addresses the relationship between publicity and the voluntary and mandatory reporting of adverse events. The second question examines whether government agencies make use of these adverse event reports. ^ Using quantitative and qualitative methods, a longitudinal study was conducted of the number and content of adverse event reports regarding breast implants filed with the FDA's medical device reporting system during 1985–1991. To assess variation in publicity over time, the print media were analyzed to identify articles related to breast implant failures. ^ The exploratory findings suggest that an increase in media activity is related to an increase in voluntary reporting, especially following periods of intense media coverage of the FDA. However, a similar relationship was not found between media activity and manufacturers' mandatory adverse event reporting. A review of government committee and agency reports on the FDA published during 1976–1996 produced little evidence to suggest that publicity or MDR information contributed to problem recognition, agenda setting, or the formulation of policy recommendations. ^ The research findings suggest that the reporting of breast implant problems to FDA may reflect the perceptions and concerns of the reporting groups, a barometer of the volume and content of media attention. ^

Wie PatientInnen ihre TherapeutInnen beeinflussen. Eine Prozessstudie

Theoretischer Hintergrund: Im Therapieprozess findet eine ständige reziproke Einflussnahme zwischen Patient und Therapeut statt (Strong & Claiborn, 1982). Ein hypothetisches Ziel des Patienten ist es dabei, einen bestimmten Eindruck von sich zu vermitteln. Dieses Ziel ist insbesondere im Erstkontakt wichtig. Während sich die Forschung v.a. mit den Beeinflussungsstrategien des Therapeuten beschäftigte, existieren bisher kaum Studien, die das Beeinflussungsverhalten des Patienten untersuchten. Diese Studie soll deshalb eine Übersicht über die häufigsten Beeinflussungstaktiken bieten, die Patienten im Erstgespräch zeigen. Methoden: 12 Beeinflussungsstrategien wurden aufgrund der Erfahrung von praktizierenden Psychotherapeuten sowie verschiedener theoretischer Konzeptionen der Therapiebeziehung formuliert. Die Taktiken lauten: Gute Stimmung erzeugen, positive Rückmeldungen geben, negative Rückmeldungen geben, inhaltliche Vermeidung, emotionale Vermeidung, Agenda setting, Therapeuten zu Stellungnahme bewegen, negative Berichte über Dritte, Plausibilitätsfallen, Leidensdruck verdeutlichen, Self-promotion und Psychologisieren. Die Daten wurden von vier geschulten Beurteilern analysiert. Ergebnisse: Untersucht wurden Video-Aufzeichnungen von 60 Erstgesprächen, die an der psychotherapeutischen Praxisstelle der Universität Bern durchgeführt wurden. Ergebnisse zur Häufigkeit der verschiedenen Beeinflussungstaktiken sowie deren Zusammenhang mit verschiedenen Patientenmerkmalen werden präsentiert. Diskussion: Die Resultate werden vor dem Hintergrund verschiedener Theorien der Therapiebeziehung (z.B. Interpersonale Theorie und Psychotherapie, Control Mastery Theorie, Plananalyse) diskutiert. In der Praxis kann die Kenntnis der Beeinflussungstaktiken insbesondere unerfahrenen Psychotherapeuten helfen, sich auf die Interaktion mit verschiedenen Patienten einzustellen und die Therapiebeziehung je nach Anforderungen individuell zu gestalten.

Die katholische Kirche und Moralpolitik in Österreich: Reformdynamiken in der Regulierung von Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen und der Anerkennung gleichgeschlechtlicher Partnerschaften

Eine vergleichende Analyse der Regulierung von Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen und gleichgeschlechtlichen Partnerschaften in Westeuropa im Zeitraum von 1960 bis 2010 zeigt, dass katholisch geprägte Staaten diese Bereiche grundsätzlich nicht weniger stark liberalisiert haben als andere Länder. Allerdings drosselt der Katholizismus offensichtlich die Geschwindigkeit von Reformprozessen. Auf Basis einer detaillierten explorativen Analyse der Politikentwicklungen in Österreich, das sehr früh die Gesetzgebung zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch lockerte, jedoch bei der Einführung registrierter homosexueller Partnerschaften lange zögerte, leiten wir induktiv theoretische Implikationen ab: Die katholische Kirche kann permissive Reformen so lange verhindern, wie institutionelle und kulturelle Gelegenheitsstrukturen nicht der säkular-liberalen Opposition behilflich sind, erfolgreiches Agenda-Setting zu betreiben und Mehrheiten für einen Politikwechsel zu gewinnen.

Europeanization in parliament and in the press

Europeanization challenges national democratic systems. As part and parcel of the broader internationalization of politics, Europeanization is associated with a shift from policymaking within majoritarian, elected representative bodies towards technocratic decisions among non-majoritarian and non-elected bodies (Kohler-Koch and Rittberger 2008, Lavenex 2013). It is thus said to weaken the influence of citizens and parliaments on the making of policies and to undermine democratic collective identity (Lavenex 2013, Schimmelfennig 2010). The weakening of national parliaments has been referred to as “de-parliamentarisation” (Goetz and Meyer-Sahling 2008) and has nurtured a broader debate regarding the democratic deficit in the EU. While not being a member of the EU, Switzerland has not remained unaffected by these changes. As discussed in the contribution by Fischer and Sciarini, state executive actors take the lead in Switzerland's European policy. They are responsible for the conduct of international negotiations, they own the treaty making power, and it is up to them to decide whether they wish to launch a negotiation with the EU. In addition, the strong take-it or leave-it character of Europeanized acts limits the room for manoeuver of the parliamentary body also in the ratification phase. Among the public, the rejection of the treaty on the European constitution has definitely closed the era of “permissive consensus” (Hooghe and Marks 2009). However, the process of European unification remains far remote from the European public. In Switzerland, the strongly administrative character of international legislation hinders public discussion (Vögeli 2007). In such a context, the media may serve as cue for the public: By delivering information about the extent and nature of Europeanized policymaking, the media enable citizens to form their own opinions and to hold their representatives accountable. In this sense media coverage may not only be considered an indicator of the information delivered to the public, but it may also enhance the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized policymaking (for a similar argument, see Tresch and Jochum 2005). While the previous contributions to this debate have examined the Europeanization of Swiss (primary and secondary) legislation, we take a closer look at two additional domestic arenas that are both supposed to be under pressure due to Europeanization: The parliament and the media. To that end, we rely on data gathered in a research project that two of us carried out in the context of the NCCR Democracy.1 While this project was primarily interested in the mediatization of decision-making processes in Switzerland, it also investigated the conditional role played by internationalization/Europeanization. For our present purposes, we shall exploit the two data-sets that were developed as part of a study of the political agenda-setting power of the media (Sciarini and Tresch 2012, 2013, Tresch et al. 2013): A data-set on issue attention in parliamentary interventions (initiatives, motions, postulates,2 interpellations and questions) and a data-set on issue attention in articles from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ). The data covers the years 1995 to 2003 and the coding of issues followed the classification system developed in the “Policy Agendas Project” (Baumgartner and Jones 1993).