138 resultados para countering extremism
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Desenvolvimento Humano e Tecnologias - IBRC
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Gli ultimi anni hanno visto importanti cambiamenti positivi nella cooperazione interstatale in Asia centrale. Crescenti minacce come il terrorismo internazionale, l'estremismo religioso e politico, il traffico di droga, ecc, causati dagli interessi geopolitici e geo-economici delle potenze mondiali, hanno contribuito alla formazione di una politica estera più coordinata e coerente degli Stati della regione. Questo processo si manifesta nella partecipazione attiva dell’istituzionalizzazione della Shanghai Organizzazione del Commonwealth (SOC), Conferenza sulle misure di costruzione d’interazione e fiducia in Asia (CICA) e Organizzazione del Trattato di Sicurezza Collettiva (CSTO). Problemi moderni di sicurezza in Asia centrale dovrebbero essere risolti in dei nuovi modi, non convenzionali. Le nuove minacce alla sicurezza richiedono modi non standard per risolvere il problema. Considerate le differenze fondamentali dell'Unione europea e degli Stati dell'Asia centrale nei valori e dal punto di vista in materia di sicurezza. I paesi dell'Asia centrale non sono pronti per l'integrazione politica. Nonostante questo, nell’Asia centrale sono state adottate misure per contrastare le minacce non convenzionali. L’esperienza europea di unire gli sforzi della regione per garantire la sicurezza interna, può essere utilizzata dai paesi dell'Asia centrale, soprattutto, in primo luogo sulla formazione del quadro istituzionale e giuridico per la cooperazione operativa delle forze dell'ordine per le seguenti aree: • prevenzione del traffico di droga attraverso gli Stati dell'Asia centrale; • lotta contro nuove forme di terrorismo ed estremismo; • limitare la dimensione della migrazione clandestina; • migliorare la protezione giuridica dei cittadini. Fino a poco tempo fa, questi temi hanno ricevuto poca attenzione, sia nella teoria sia nella pratica, poiché i problemi di sicurezza della società erano principalmente ridotti per evitare il pericolo di guerra.
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Historical accounts of revolutionary movements oftentimes occlude the pleasures of countering hegemony or criticize the “frivolity” of what is perceived to be non-political activities. However, turn of the century Finnish-American socialist theater clubs and early twentieth century Finnish-American communist halls and their uncounted social groups and activities prove to be a rich resource in reconsidering the importance of acknowledging and understanding the role that pleasure has played and should play in political protest. Finnish-American radical activities, especially those condemned already at the time as hall socialism, are important historical precedents to today’s alter-globalization student festivals and protest concerts, midnight raves
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The status of Islam in Western societies remains deeply contentious. Countering strident claims on both the right and left, Legal Integration of Islam offers an empirically informed analysis of how four liberal democracies—France, Germany, Canada, and the United States—have responded to the challenge of integrating Islam and Muslim populations. Demonstrating the centrality of the legal system to this process, Christian Joppke and John Torpey reject the widely held notion that Europe is incapable of accommodating Islam and argue that institutional barriers to Muslim integration are no greater on one side of the Atlantic than the other. While Muslims have achieved a substantial degree of equality working through the courts, political dynamics increasingly push back against these gains, particularly in Europe. From a classical liberal viewpoint, religion can either be driven out of public space, as in France, or included without sectarian preference, as in Germany. But both policies come at a price—religious liberty in France and full equality in Germany. Often seen as the flagship of multiculturalism, Canada has found itself responding to nativist and liberal pressures as Muslims become more assertive. And although there have been outbursts of anti-Islamic sentiment in the United States, the legal and political recognition of Islam is well established and largely uncontested. Legal Integration of Islam brings to light the successes and the shortcomings of integrating Islam through law without denying the challenges that this religion presents for liberal societies.
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Medulloblastoma, one of the most malignant brain tumors in children, is thought to arise from undifferentiated neural stem/progenitor cells (NSCs) present in the external granule layer of the cerebellum. However, the mechanism of tumorigenesis remains unknown for the majority of medulloblastomas. In this study, we found that many human medulloblastomas express significantly elevated levels of both myc oncogenes, regulators of neural progenitor proliferation, and REST/NRSF, a transcriptional repressor of neuronal differentiation genes. Previous studies have shown that neither c-Myc nor REST/NRSF alone could cause tumor formation. To determine whether c-Myc and REST/NRSF act together to cause medulloblastomas, we used a previously established cell line derived from external granule layer stem cells transduced with activated c-myc (NSC-M). These immortalized NSCs were able to differentiate into neurons in vitro. In contrast, when the cells were engineered to express a doxycycline-regulated REST/NRSF transgene (NSC-M-R), they no longer underwent terminal neuronal differentiation in vitro. When injected into intracranial locations in mice, the NSC-M cells did not form tumors either in the cerebellum or in the cerebral cortex. In contrast, the NSC-M-R cells did produce tumors in the cerebellum, the site of human medulloblastoma formation, but not when injected into the cerebral cortex. Furthermore, the NSC-M-R tumors were blocked from terminal neuronal differentiation. In addition, countering REST/NRSF function blocked the tumorigenic potential of NSC-M-R cells. To our knowledge, this is the first study in which abnormal expression of a sequence-specific DNA-binding transcriptional repressor has been shown to contribute directly to brain tumor formation. Our findings indicate that abnormal expression of REST/NRSF and Myc in NSCs causes cerebellum-specific tumors by blocking neuronal differentiation and thus maintaining the "stemness" of these cells. Furthermore, these results suggest that such a mechanism plays a role in the formation of human medulloblastoma.
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Since 9/11, 2001, a new form of religious extremism has arguably emerged, one which paradoxically portrays itself as a counter to another perceived extremism regarded as a real and imminent threat. Within North America and Western Europe, as elsewhere, there is an upsurge of various forms of reactionary rhetoric and opposition expressed towards Islam and Muslims. An increase in extremist behaviour, even violence, is appearing from quarters opposed to, or varyingly fearful of, Islamic extremism if not Islam or Muslims. Islamophobia, as a manifestation of fear of an exclusionary Islam, manifests as exclusionary or negatively reactive behaviours with Muslims and Islam as the target. This article explores the idea that Islamophobia can be regarded as a manifestation of religious extremism and, further, that such extremism is construable as “reactive co-radicalization.” It focuses on two European cases – the 2009 Swiss ban on the building of minarets and the 2011 Norwegian massacre carried out by Anders Breivik – as examples of this “reactive co-radicalization.” This term, I suggest, is an apt denominator for the exclusionary reaction to the rising presence of Islam within otherwise secular, albeit nominally Christian, Western European and North American societies, among others.
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Las plantas industriales de exploración y producción de petróleo y gas disponen de numerosos sistemas de comunicación que permiten el correcto funcionamiento de los procesos que tienen lugar en ella así como la seguridad de la propia planta. Para el presente Proyecto Fin de Carrera se ha llevado a cabo el diseño del sistema de megafonía PAGA (Public Address and General Alarm) y del circuito cerrado de televisión (CCTV) en la unidad de procesos Hydrocrcaker encargada del craqueo de hidrógeno. Partiendo de los requisitos definidos por las especificaciones corporativas de los grupos petroleros para ambos sistemas, PAGA y CCTV, se han expuesto los principios teóricos sobre los que se fundamenta cada uno de ellos y las pautas a seguir para el diseño y demostración del buen funcionamiento a partir de software específico. Se ha empleado las siguientes herramientas software: EASE para la simulación acústica, PSpice para la simulación eléctrica de las etapas de amplificación en la megafonía; y JVSG para el diseño de CCTV. La sonorización tanto de las unidades como del resto de instalaciones interiores ha de garantizar la inteligibilidad de los mensajes transmitidos. La realización de una simulación acústica permite conocer cómo va a ser el comportamiento de la megafonía sin necesidad de instalar el sistema, lo cual es muy útil para este tipo de proyectos cuya ingeniería se realiza previamente a la construcción de la planta. Además se comprueba el correcto diseño de las etapas de amplificación basadas en líneas de alta impedancia o de tensión constante (100 V). El circuito cerrado de televisión (CCTV) garantiza la transmisión de señales visuales de todos los accesos a las instalaciones y unidades de la planta así como la visión en tiempo real del correcto funcionamiento de los procesos químicos llevados a cabo en la refinería. El sistema dispone de puestos de control remoto para el manejo y gestión de las cámaras desplegadas; y de un sistema de almacenamiento de las grabaciones en discos duros (RAID-5) a través de una red SAN (Storage Area Network). Se especifican las diferentes fases de un proyecto de ingeniería en el sector de E&P de hidrocarburos entre las que se destaca: propuesta y adquisición, reunión de arranque (KOM, Kick Off Meeting), estudio in situ (Site Survey), plan de proyecto, diseño y documentación, procedimientos de pruebas, instalación, puesta en marcha y aceptaciones del sistema. Se opta por utilizar terminología inglesa dado al ámbito global del sector. En la última parte del proyecto se presenta un presupuesto aproximado de los materiales empleados en el diseño de PAGA y CCTV. ABSTRACT. Integrated communications for Oil and Gas allows reducing risks, improving productivity, reducing costs, and countering threats to safety and security. Both PAGA system (Public Address and General Alarm) and Closed Circuit Television have been designed for this project in order to ensure a reliable security of an oil refinery. Based on the requirements defined by corporate specifications for both systems (PAGA and CCTV), theoretical principles have been presented as well as the guidelines for the design and demonstration of a reliable design. The following software has been used: EASE for acoustic simulation; PSpice for simulation of the megaphony amplification loops; and JVSG tool for CCTV design. Acoustic for both the units and the other indoor facilities must ensure intelligibility of the transmitted messages. An acoustic simulation allows us to know how will be the performance of the PAGA system without installing loudspeakers, which is very useful for this type of project whose engineering is performed prior to the construction of the plant. Furthermore, it has been verified the correct design of the amplifier stages based on high impedance lines or constant voltage (100 V). Closed circuit television (CCTV) ensures the transmission of visual signals of all access to facilities as well as real-time view of the proper functioning of chemical processes carried out at the refinery. The system has remote control stations for the handling and management of deployed cameras. It is also included a storage system of the recordings on hard drives (RAID - 5) through a SAN (Storage Area Network). Phases of an engineering project in Oil and Gas are defined in the current project. It includes: proposal and acquisition, kick-off meeting (KOM), Site Survey, project plan, design and documentation, testing procedures (SAT and FAT), installation, commissioning and acceptance of the systems. Finally, it has been presented an estimate budget of the materials used in the design of PAGA and CCTV.
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The compaction level of arrays of nucleosomes may be understood in terms of the balance between the self-repulsion of DNA (principally linker DNA) and countering factors including the ionic strength and composition of the medium, the highly basic N termini of the core histones, and linker histones. However, the structural principles that come into play during the transition from a loose chain of nucleosomes to a compact 30-nm chromatin fiber have been difficult to establish, and the arrangement of nucleosomes and linker DNA in condensed chromatin fibers has never been fully resolved. Based on images of the solution conformation of native chromatin and fully defined chromatin arrays obtained by electron cryomicroscopy, we report a linker histone-dependent architectural motif beyond the level of the nucleosome core particle that takes the form of a stem-like organization of the entering and exiting linker DNA segments. DNA completes ≈1.7 turns on the histone octamer in the presence and absence of linker histone. When linker histone is present, the two linker DNA segments become juxtaposed ≈8 nm from the nucleosome center and remain apposed for 3–5 nm before diverging. We propose that this stem motif directs the arrangement of nucleosomes and linker DNA within the chromatin fiber, establishing a unique three-dimensional zigzag folding pattern that is conserved during compaction. Such an arrangement with peripherally arranged nucleosomes and internal linker DNA segments is fully consistent with observations in intact nuclei and also allows dramatic changes in compaction level to occur without a concomitant change in topology.
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Ciliary Neurotrophic Factor (CNTF) was first characterized as a trophic factor for motor neurons in the ciliary ganglion and spinal cord, leading to its evaluation in humans suffering from motor neuron disease. In these trials, CNTF caused unexpected and substantial weight loss, raising concerns that it might produce cachectic-like effects. Countering this possibility was the suggestion that CNTF was working via a leptin-like mechanism to cause weight loss, based on the findings that CNTF acts via receptors that are not only related to leptin receptors, but also similarly distributed within hypothalamic nuclei involved in feeding. However, although CNTF mimics the ability of leptin to cause fat loss in mice that are obese because of genetic deficiency of leptin (ob/ob mice), CNTF is also effective in diet-induced obesity models that are more representative of human obesity, and which are resistant to leptin. This discordance again raised the possibility that CNTF might be acting via nonleptin pathways, perhaps more analogous to those activated by cachectic cytokines. Arguing strongly against this possibility, we now show that CNTF can activate hypothalamic leptin-like pathways in diet-induced obesity models unresponsive to leptin, that CNTF improves prediabetic parameters in these models, and that CNTF acts very differently than the prototypical cachectic cytokine, IL-1. Further analyses of hypothalamic signaling reveals that CNTF can suppress food intake without triggering hunger signals or associated stress responses that are otherwise associated with food deprivation; thus, unlike forced dieting, cessation of CNTF treatment does not result in binge overeating and immediate rebound weight gain.
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The Vernacular Discourse of the "Arab Spring" is a project that bridges the divide between the East and the West by offering new readings to Arab subjectivities. Through an analysis of the "Arab Spring" through the lens of vernacular discourse, it challenges the Euro-Americo-centric legacies of Orientalism in Western academia and the new wave of extremism in the Arab world by offering alternative representations of Arab bodies and subjectivities. To offer this new reading of the "Arab Spring," it explores the foundations of critical rhetoric as a theory and a practice and argues for a turn towards a critical vernacular discourse. The turn towards critical vernacular discourse is important as it urges the analyses of different artifacts produced by marginalized groups in order to understand their perspectives that have largely been foreclosed in traditional cultural studies research. Building on embodied/performative critical rhetoric, the vernacular discourses of the Arab revolutionary body examines other forms of knowledge productions that are not merely textual; more specifically, through data gathered in the Lhbib Bourguiba, Tunisia. This analysis of the political revolutionary body unveils the complexity underlining the discussion around issues of identity, agency and representation in the Middle East and North Africa, and calls for a critical study towards these issues in the region beyond the binary approach that has been practiced and applied by academics and media analysts. Hence, by analyzing vernacular discourse, this research locates a method of examining and theorizing the dialectic between agency, citizenry, and subjectivity through the study of how power structure is recreated and challenged through the use of the vernacular in revolutionary movements, as well as how marginalized groups construct their own subjectivities through the use of vernacular discourse. Therefore, highlighting the political prominence of evaluating the Arab Spring as a vernacular discourse is important in creating new ways of understanding communication in postcolonial/neocolonial settings.
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This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.
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Countering the trend in contemporary ecocriticism to advance realism as an environmentally responsible mode of representation, this essay argues that the anti-realist aesthetics of literary modernism were implicitly “ecological.” In order to make this argument I distinguish between contemporary and modernist ecological culture (both of which I differentiate in turn from ecological science); while the former is concerned primarily with the practical reform characteristic of what we now call “environmentalism,” the latter demanded an all-encompassing reimagination of the relationship between humanity and nature. “Modernist ecology,” as I call it, attempted to envision this change, which would be ontological or metaphysical rather than simply social, through thematically and formally experimental works of art. Its radical vision, suggestive in some ways of today’s “deep” ecology, repudiated modern accounts of nature as a congeries of inert objects to be manipulated by a sovereign subject, and instead foregrounded the chiasmic intertexture of the subject/object relationship. In aesthetic modernism we encounter not “objective” nature, but “nature-being” – a blank substratum beneath the solid contours of what philosopher Kate Soper calls “lay nature” – the revelation of which shatters historical constructions of nature and alone allows for radical alternatives. This essay looks specifically at modernist ecology as it appears in the works of W. B. Yeats, D. H. Lawrence, and Samuel Beckett, detailing their attempts to envision revolutionary new ecologies, but also their struggles with the limited capacity of esoteric modernist art to effect significant ecological change on a collective level.
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La présente thèse entend donner sens à un concept qui occupe une place centrale au sein de la pensée de Theodor W. Adorno mais qui, parce que notoirement difficile à définir, n’a pas reçu l’attention qu’il mérite : la mimêsis (Mimesis). Il s’agira, plus exactement, de comprendre la mimêsis comme un point nodal de la critique adornienne, qui nous permet de comprendre au nom et en vue de quoi elle se déploie. Car sous toutes ses acceptions – et nous verrons qu’elles sont fort variées – la mimêsis adornienne est toujours invoquée dans le but de contrecarrer les tendances hétéronomes (c’est-à-dire : déshumanisantes) propres aux sociétés capitalistes avancées. Surtout, elle est constamment présentée comme un correctif matérialiste au type de rationalité abstraite qui sous-tend ces sociétés. Cette tâche s’avère d’autant plus lourde que, malgré son important poids normatif, la mimêsis ne fait pas l’objet, chez Adorno, d’une théorisation explicite. Il nous faudra pallier cette indétermination, en identifiant d’abord les assises normatives les plus premières de la critique adornienne (0.0. Introduction : les fondements normatifs de la critique adornienne), pour ensuite rendre compte des fonctions particulières qu’occupe la mimêsis au sein de cette critique (1.0. Les fonctions critiques de la mimêsis adornienne). Ce travail de débroussaillage exégétique et interprétatif nous permettra de constater que la mimêsis adornienne recèle trois types de potentiels critiques distincts. D’abord, en ce qu’elle est présentée – dans les travaux des années 1930 et 1940 surtout – comme une impulsion psychosomatique à même de trahir, l’instant d’une brève résistance, la violence infligée à la nature intérieure et extérieure de l’homme par les forces réificatrices de la rationalité instrumentale (Instrumentelle Vernunft), la mimêsis adornienne peut être comprise comme un mimétisme (Mimikry) bioanthropologique dont la valeur est principalement expressive (2.O. Mimikry : le potentiel bioanthropologique de la mimêsis). Ensuite, lorsqu’elle sera pensée – à partir de la fin des années 50 surtout – comme une compétence proprement épistémique qui permet au sujet connaissant de rencontrer à nouveau puis de redéterminer les objets de son expérience, la mimêsis adornienne peut être comprise comme un correctif critique à la logique appropriative de la pensée identifiante (identifizierendes Denken) (3.O. Affinität et Entäusserung : le potentiel épistémique de la mimêsis). Enfin, dans la mesure où elle informe le modus operandi de l’oeuvre d’art d’avant-garde telle que défendue par Adorno dans la Théorie esthétique, et qui consiste à détourner, en les retournant contre elles-mêmes, les contraintes imposées par le monde totalement administré (total verwaltete Welt), la mimêsis peut être comprise comme une Methexis subversive, c’est-à-dire comme une stratégie séditieuse à même de conjurer l’hétéronomie sociale en l’anticipant et en l’incorporant (4.0. Methexis subversive : le potentiel stratégique de la mimêsis). Ainsi, tout en voulant rendre justice à la très grande polysémie du concept, nous aimerions démontrer que la mimêsis adornienne pointe constamment vers une forme ou une autre de résistance : comme expression, comme extériorisation ou comme subversion.
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Citizenship and democratic rights have been shrinking in Egypt with the rise of president Abd El Fattah El Sisi, widely popular among Egyptians who fear more violence and unrest in an increasingly volatile region. In this EU Spring Policy Brief, Moataz El Fegiery examines the political landscape in the run-up of parliamentary elections, arguing that the short term is likely to see further curtailment of acquired rights, further crackdown on the opposition and consolidation of military power. In the longer term, however, it is in the interest of Egyptian society and institutions as well as of Europe to reverse the politics of exclusion and ensure that freedoms, pluralism and participation prevent the rise of extremism and political violence.