999 resultados para australian television


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Nick Herd begins his institutional history of Australian commercial television in the early 1890s, when an amateur inventor named Henry Sutton designed the ‘telephane’ with the intent of watching the Melbourne Cup in his home town of Ballarat. The ‘race that stops a nation’ was not broadcast live on television until 1960, but Sutton’s initiative indicates how closely sport and television were aligned in Australia even before the medium existed. The first licensed commercial stations to begin regular broadcasting went on air in Sydney and Melbourne shortly before the 1956 Melbourne Olympic Games, although Herd claims that this was ‘almost accidental’ rather than planned. (49) Only Melbourne viewers were able to see some events live, many via television sets in Ampol service stations following the company’s last minute sponsorship of coverage on Melbourne station GTV-9...

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Information and Communications Technology (ICT) has spread rapidly in Australia. Mobile phones, which increasingly have advanced capabilities including Internet access, mobile television and multimedia storage, are owned by 22% of Australian children aged 9-11 years and 73% of those aged 12-14 years (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012b), as well as by over 90% of Australians aged 15 years and over(Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), 2010). Nearly 80% of Australian households have access to the Internet and 73% have a broadband Internet connection, ensuring that Internet access is typically reliable and high-speed (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012a). Ninety percent of Australian children aged 5-14 years (comprising 79% of 5-8 year olds; 96% of 9-11 year olds; and 98% of 12-14 year olds) reported having accessed the Internet during 2011-2012, a significant increase from 79% in 2008-2009 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012b). Approximately 90% of 5-14 year olds have accessed the Internet both from home and from school, with close to 49% accessing the Internet from other places (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012b). Young people often make use of borrowed Internet access (e.g. in friends’ homes), commercial access (e.g. cybercafés), public access (e.g. libraries), and mobile device access in areas offering free Wi-Fi (Lim, 2009).

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Media education has been included as a mandatory component of the Arts within the new Australian national curriculum, which purports to set out a framework that encompasses core knowledge, understanding and skills critical to twenty-first century learning. This will position Australia as the only country to require media education as a compulsory aspect of Arts education and one of the first to implement a sequenced national media education curriculum from pre-school to year 12. A broad framework has been outlined for what the Media Arts curriculum will encompass and in this article we investigate the extent to which this framework is likely to provide media educators the opportunity to broaden the scope of established media education to effectively educate students about the ever-changing nature of media ecologies. The article outlines significant shifts occurring in the film and television industries to identify the types of knowledge students may need to understand these changes. This is followed by an analysis of existing state-based media curricula offered at years 11 and 12 in Australia to demonstrate that the concepts of institutions and audiences are not currently approached in ways that reflect contemporary media ecologies.

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The role of the screen producer is ramifying. Not only are there numerous producer categories, but the screen producer function is also found on a continuum across film, television, advertising, corporate video, and the burgeoning digital media sector. In recent years, fundamental changes to distribution and consumption practices and technologies should have had a correlate impact on screen production practices and on the role of existing screen producers. At the same time, new and recent producers are learning and practicing their craft in a field that has already been transformed by digitisation and media convergence. Our analysis of the work, experience and outlook of screen producers in this chapter is based on data collected in the Australian Screen Producer Survey (ASPS), a nation-wide survey conducted by the ARC Centre of Excellence for Creative Industries and Innovation, the media marketing firm Bergent Research, and the Centre for Screen Business at the Australian Film, Television and Radio School (AFTRS) in 2008/09 and 2011. We analyse the results to better understand the practice of screen production in a period of industry transition, and to recognise the persistence of established production cultures that serve to distinguish different industry sectors.

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Independent filmmaking within the context of Australian cinema is a multifaceted subject. In comparison to the United States, where production can be characterised as bifurcated between major studio production and so-called “indie” or independent production without the backing of the majors, since the 1970s and until recently the vast majority of Australian feature film production has been independent filmmaking. Like most so-called national cinemas, most Australian movies are supported by both direct and indirect public subvention administered by state and federal government funding bodies, and it could be argued that filmmakers are, to a certain degree, “dependent” on official mandates. As this chapter demonstrates national production slates are subjected to budget restraints and cut-backs, official cultural policies (for example pursuing international co-productions and local content quotas) and shifts in policy directions among others. Therefore, within the context of Australian cinema, feature film production operating outside the public funding system could be understood as “independent”. However, as is the case for most English-language national cinemas, independence has long been defined in terms of autonomy from Hollywood, and – as alluded to above – as Australia becomes more dependent upon international inputs into production, higher budget movies are becoming less independent from Hollywood. As such, this chapter argues that independence in Australian cinema can be viewed as having two poles: independence from direct government funding and independence from Hollywood studios. With a specific focus on industry and policy contexts, this chapter explores key issues that constitute independence for Australian cinema. In so doing it examines the production characteristics of four primary domains of contemporary independent filmmaking in Australia, namely: “Aussiewood” production; government-backed low-to-mid budget production; co-productions; and guerrilla filmmaking.

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This article describes how - in the processes of responding to participatory storytelling practices - community, public service, and to a lesser extent, commercial media institutions are themselves negotiated and changed. Although there are significant variations in the conditions, durability, extent, motivations and quality of these developments and their impacts, they nonetheless increase the possibilities and pathways of participatory media culture. This description first frames digital storytelling as a ‘co-creative’ media practice. It then discusses the role of community arts and cultural development (CACD) practitioners and networks as co-creative media intermediaries, and then considers their influence in Australian broadcast and Internet media. It looks at how participatory storytelling methods are evolving in the Australian context and explores some of the implications for cultural inclusion arising from a shared interest in ‘co-creative’ media methods and approaches.

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There is growing scholarly interest in the everyday work undertaken by screen producers in part prompted by disciplinary shifts (the ‘material turn’, the rise of creative industries research) and in part by major transformations in the business of media production and consumption in recent years. However, the production cultures and motivations of screen producers, particularly those working in emergent online and convergent media markets, remain poorly understood. The 2012 Australian Screen Producer survey, building upon research undertaken in the Australian Screen Content Producer Survey conducted in 2009, was a nation-wide survey-based study of screen content producers working in four industry segments: film, television, corporate and new media production. The broad objectives of the 2012 Australian Producer Survey study were to: • Provide deeper and more detailed analysis into the nature of digital media producers and their practices and how these findings compare to the practices of established screen media producers; • Interrogate issues around the pace of industry change, industry sentiment and how producers are adapting to a changing marketplace; and • Offer insight into the transitional pathways of established media producers into production for digital media markets. The Australian Screen Producer Survey Online Interactive provides users (principally filmmakers, scholars and policymakers) with direct access to raw survey data through an interactive website that allows them to customise queries according to particular interests. The Online Interactive therefore provides customisable findings – unlike ‘static’ research outputs – delineating the practices, attitudes, strategies, and aspirations of screen producers working in feature film, television and corporate production as well as those operating in an increasingly convergent digital media marketplace. The survey was developed by researchers at the ARC Centre of Excellence for Creative Industries and Innovation (CCI), Queensland University of Technology, Deakin University, the Centre for Screen Business at Australian Film Television and Radio School (AFTRS) and was undertaken in association with Bergent Research. The Online Interactive website (http://screenproducersurvey.com/) was developed with support from the Centre for Memory Imagination and Invention (CMII).

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Ongoing innovation in digital animation and visual effects technologies has provided new opportunities for stories to be visually rendered in ways never before possible. Films featuring animation and visual effects continue to perform well at the box office, proving to be highly profitable projects. The Avengers (Whedon, 2012) holds the current record for opening weekend sales, accruing as much as $207,438,708 USD and $623,357,910 USD gross at time of writing. Life of Pi (Lee, 2012) at time of writing has grossed as much as $608,791,063 USD (Box Office Mojo, 2013). With so much creative potential and a demonstrable ability to generate a large amount of revenue, the animation and visual effects industry – otherwise known as the Post, Digital and Visual Effects (PDV) industry – has become significant to the future growth and stability of the Australian film industry as a whole.

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Despite having experienced rapid popularity over the past two decades, lifestyle journalism is still somewhat neglected by academic researchers. So far mostly explored as either part of wider lifestyle programming, particularly on television, or in terms of individual sub-fields, such as travel, fashion or food journalism, lifestyle journalism is in need of scholarly analysis particularly in the area of production, based on the increasing importance which the field has in influencing audiences’ ways of life. This study explores the professional views of 89 Australian and German lifestyle journalists through in-depth interviews in order to explore the ways in which they engage in processes of influencing audiences’ self-expression, identities and consumption behaviors. The article argues that through its work, lifestyle journalism is a significant shaper of identities in today’s consumer societies.

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Building on and bringing up to date the material presented in the first installment of Directory of World Cinema : Australia and New Zealand, this volume continues the exploration of the cinema produced in Australia and New Zealand since the beginning of the twentieth century. Among the additions to this volume are in-depth treatments of the locations that feature prominently in the countries' cinema. Essays by leading critics and film scholars consider the significance in films of the outback and the beach, which is evoked as a liminal space in Long Weekend and a symbol of death in Heaven's Burning, among other films. Other contributions turn the spotlight on previously unexplored genres and key filmmakers, including Jane Campion, Rolf de Heer, Charles Chauvel, and Gillian Armstrong.

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Australia is a difficult market for horror movies. Particularly in recent years, Australia has been regarded as a graveyard for many horror films released theatrically. This is not to say that Australians have not enjoyed the occasional scary movie on the big screen. But what types of horror films have been popular with Australian audiences at the box-office remains poorly understood. Horror films revolve around monsters, the fear of death and the transgression of boundaries, and they aim to scare audiences through ‘gross-out’ or ‘creep-out’ factors (some combine both). The former refers to shocking and graphic portrayals of gore and violence – as seen in the sadistic torture of backpackers in Hostel (Eli Roth, 2005), which depicts limbs being hacked off and eyes being cut from nerve endings. The latter refers to the crafting of fear through mood and suspense without explicit bloodshed, achieved brilliantly in The Sixth Sense’s (M Night Shyamalan, 1999) chilling encounters with ‘dead people’. In creep-out films, it is often what viewers don’t see that is most disturbing. Using an analysis of the top fifty films each year at the Australian box office from 1992 to 2012, this article identifies the most successful horror movies over this period to ascertain what types of horror movies – with reference to creep-out and gross-out factors – have been most popular with domestic audiences.

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Researchers from Queensland University of Technology have teamed up with the Australian Research Council (ARC), Screen Australia, The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) and the Australian Children’s Television Foundation (ACTF) to investigate the use of Australian screen content in primary, secondary and tertiary education. Over the next three years (2014-2016), researchers and investigators will undertake a national survey of schools and universities, and will conduct in-depth interviews with hundreds of industry representatives, teachers, principals, librarians and students. Furthermore, new approaches to developing screen content and curricula will be trialled. The project aims to develop a comprehensive picture of why, how, how much and where Australian screen content is used in education.

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I live in the Sydney North Shore suburb of Northbridge. In many ways it is a white middle class enclave, comparable to places like Cabramatta that are identified with a specifically represented ethnic group. Gated primarily by the inflated property prices, it is a location that marks a territory principally for the white middle class. It is not a place of African-American movements. Or is it? Radio, television, film and Internet increasingly constitute a large portion of the sonic and visual landscapes of our suburban lives. In our lounge rooms and in our cars we are presented texts that take us beyond our local environments, into the places of other nations. This paper will explore the position of a fan of rap music, physically located beyond the cultural and political circumstances that drive sustained action for the movements of African-Americans. It will analyze whether such a fandom can indicate membership, as a social actor, in this group and in doing so illuminate the boundaries of movement activity in an information society.

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The aim of this study was to determine compliance with the National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE) guideline for physical activity and American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) recommendation for electronic media use among urban pre-school children in two large cities on the East Coast of Australia. Cross-sectional data were collected from 266 parents. Time spent using electronic media (watching television, DVDs or on the computer) and in physical activity were parent reported. The proportion who met each guideline was calculated. 56 per cent and 79% of children met the NASPE guideline on weekdays and weekends, respectively, while 73% and 70% met the AAP recommendation on weekdays and weekends, with no difference between boys and girls. A substantial minority do not meet physical activity and electronic media use recommendations, highlighting the need to better understand what factors contribute to physical activity and electronic media use among this group of pre-schoolers.