985 resultados para Yugoslav War, 1991-1995.


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El objetivo de esta monografía es examinar la transformación de la doctrina de seguridad de la OTAN en la Post-Guerra Fría y sus efectos en la intervención en la República de Macedonia. La desintegración del bloque soviético implicó la variación en la definición de las amenazas que atentan contra la supervivencia de los países miembro de la Alianza Atlántica. A partir de la década de los noventa, los conflictos de naturaleza interétnica pasaron a formar parte de los riesgos que transgreden la seguridad de los Aliados y la estabilidad del área Euro-Atlántica. Por lo anterior, la OTAN intervino en aquellos Estados en los que prevalecían las confrontaciones armadas interétnicas, como por ejemplo: en Macedonia. Allí, la Alianza Atlántica ejecutó operaciones de gestión de crisis para contrarrestar la amenaza. El fenómeno a estudiar en esta investigación será analizado a partir del Realismo Subalterno y de la Teoría de la Seguridad Colectiva.

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Se estudian los orígenes de la Guerra Fría, iniciada tras la conferencia de Yalta en 1945. Fue un conflicto entre Estados Unidos y sus aliados, por una parte y la URSS (Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas) y sus aliados, por otra. No supusó un enfrentamiento directo entre los dos países, sino un período sostenido de tensión internacional, que finalizó con la caída de la URRS en 1991. Durante este tiempo, los dos países eran potencias económicas, a nivel mundial y, superpotencias por su inmensa fuerza militar. Incluye prácticas adecuadas para exámenes del General Certificate Secondary Education (GCSE) en sus especificaciones para AQA, EDEXCEL y OCR.

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Containment, as conceived by the US government official George Kennan, was an aggressive attempt to cause the Soviet Cold War empire to disintegrate. This can is demonstrated by the case study of how the USA, Britain, and France tried to instrumentalise renegade Tito's Yugoslavia as a wedge to break up the cohesion of the Communist regimes within the Soviet sphere. They supported Tito against subversion and planned Soviet-orchestrated military attack from its neighbouring states; Western plans for the support of Yugoslavia included plans for a selective use of nuclear weapons.

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This paper discusses how predispositions, incentives, the number and heterogeneity of participants, and leadership (Faerman et al. 2001) jointly influenced the international effort to develop Bosnia and Herzegovina. International coalitions, task forces, and advisory groups are increasingly charged with implementing reforms following civil conflict. This requires a complex web of interorganizational relationships among NGOS, donors and host nations at both global and ‘ground’ levels. To better understand development assistance, attention must be paid to the relationships between these varied players. We find that four factors influenced relationships between policy, donor, and implementing organizations; and those strained relationships, in turn, affected development success. The paper draws on interviews, conducted in Bosnia, with 43 development professionals, observation of development meetings in Tuzla and Sarajevo, and review of related documents from international development programs.

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The project investigated the phenomenon of suicide in war-encircled Sarajevo, where the population was uninterruptedly exposed for four years to direct danger of life from constant shelling and sniper fire, as well as from the lack of essential food items, energy sources and water. It showed that in the pre-war peacetime year of 1991 the suicide rate was 8.36, which was almost 100% less than that in the first post-war peacetime year of 1996, when 16.13 suicides were recorded per 100,000 citizens. The first wartime year, 1992, was characterised by a fall in the number of suicides by almost 40% of the 1991 figure. It is indicative that not a single suicide was registered during the six months from May to October of that first wartime year. In 1993 there was 96.29% increase on 1992, with a total of 53 suicides, showing that the initial shock of danger to one's life from others had passed and that statistics on suicide had returned to "normal". In the following year, 1994, 47 suicides were recorded, and in 1995 the figure was 49. Data from the first post-war peacetime year clearly shows that the human tragedy of taking one's own life has continued, with the number of suicides increasing steadily, especially among demobilised soldiers ranging in age from 30 to 40. Most of them ended their lives by activating a bomb or other explosive device, choosing the place carefully so as to avoid any possible risk to other lives during the act of taking their own.

94/0250 (ACC): Proposal for a Council Regulation (EC) concerning the arrangements applicable to imports into the Community of products originating in the Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (presented by the Commission); Draft: Decision of the representatives of the governments of the Member States of the European Coal and Steel Community meeting with the Council concerning the arrangements applicable to imports into the Community of products covered by the ECSC Treaty originating in the Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; 94/0251 (ACC): Proposal for a Council Regulation (EC) opening and providing for the administration of Community tariff quotas for certain products originating in the Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (1995) (presented by the Commission); 94/0252 (ACC): Proposal for a Council Regulation (EC) establishing ceilings and Community surveillance for imports of certain products originating in the Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (1995) (presented by the Commission); Draft: Decision of the governments of the Memeber States of the European Coal and Steel Community meeting with the Council establishing ceilings and Community surveillance for imports of certain products originating in the Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (1995). COM (94) 457 final, 3 November 1994

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The horrors and suffering of World War II directly affected Simone de Beauvoir. Exposed to destruction and pervasive death, and haunted by the separation from her beloved, she is bound to conclude that an individual—especially an intellectual—is powerless when confronted with extreme violence. In this context, the writer becomes increasingly aware that action must be taken to defend both the common good and those whose lives are under threat. The restrained existentialist—an independent woman focused on her personal development and happiness—thus undergoes a kind of evolution, and becomes an author sincerely concerned with other people and their basic needs— especially with those suffering harm or afflicted by violence. The drama of war enables Beauvoir to adopt a broader view of the misery of human existence and to deal with subjects hitherto unbeknownst to her.

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OBJETIVO: Analisar a magnitude e a tendência da mortalidade por grupos específicos de causas externas em crianças e adolescentes residentes no Recife, no período de 1979 a 1995. MÉTODOS: Foram utilizados os dados do Sistema de Informação em Mortalidade do Ministério da Saúde e da Secretaria de Saúde de Pernambuco. O grupo estudado, na faixa etária de 0-19 anos, representou 41,8% da população de Recife, em 1991. Utilizou-se o desenho ecológico exploratório tipo série temporal. Analisou-se a tendência para os coeficientes de mortalidade por causas externas e seus grupos específicos segundo sexo e grupo etário, por regressão linear simples. RESULTADOS E CONCLUSÕES: Na série temporal estudada, os coeficientes de mortalidade por causas externas mostraram crescimento, sobretudo por homicídios nos adolescentes, em que se observaram um aumento anual médio de 3,05 e um aumento relativo de 601, 3% ao longo da série. Em 1995, mais de 90% desses homicídios foram perpetrados por arma de fogo. Os dados revelam a magnitude do problema e a necessidade do seu enfrentamento, o qual precisa considerar a complexidade da determinação da violência.

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The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.