793 resultados para Social justice.
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Purpose provides a moral compass for young people to apply their strengths and virtues in their lives. Deepen the studies about youth purpose may contribute to the design of new and more efficient moral education strategies, aiming the development of greater citizenship awareness, social justice and youth engagement in the construction of a society based on democracy, justice and social solidarity. This research paper explores the identification of life goals, the beyond the self or self-oriented purpose in life, a meaningful engagement in purposeful activities and the well-being and satisfaction with life in Brazilian youth engaged and not engaged in social and community issues.
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Pós-graduação em Planejamento e Análise de Políticas Públicas - FCHS
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The September l1th Victim Compensation Fund (the Fund) was created in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Much has been written about the Fund, both pro and con, in both popular media and scholarly literature. Perhaps the most widely used term in referring to the Fund is "unprecedented." The Fund is intriguing for many reasons, particularly for its public policy implications and its impact on the claimants themselves. The federal government has never before provided compensation to victims of terrorism through a special master who had virtually unlimited discretion in determining awards. Consequently, this formal allocation of money by a representative of the federal government to its citizens has provided an opportunity to test theories of procedural and distributive justice in a novel context. This article tests these theories by analyzing the results of a study of the Fund's claimants. Part I provides general background, summarizes existing commentary on the Fund, and discusses prior research on social justice that is relevant to the 9/11 claimants' experiences with the Fund. Part II of this article describes the methodology behind the study, in which seventy-one individuals who filed claims with the Fund completed surveys about their experiences with and perceptions of the Fund. Part III discusses the survey results. We found that participants were reasonably satisfied with the procedural aspects of the Fund, such as representatives' impartiality and respectful treatment. Participants were less satisfied, however, with the distributive aspects of the Fund, such as the unequal distribution of compensation and the reduction in compensation if claimants received compensation from other sources (e.g., life insurance). Part IV of this article addresses the implications of the study results for public policy and for theories of social justice.
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The group presents an analysis of the development of the Czech society and economy during the 1990s. They believe that the Czech neo-liberal strategy of transformation led to a partial and uneven modernisation and that this strategy is unable to provide a firm basis for a complex process of modernisation. The increasing developmental problems encountered during 1996-1999 can be seen as empirical evidence of the inadequacy of the neo-liberal transformation strategy. These problems are connected to institutional shortcomings due to the excessive speed of privatisation, its form with certain important Czech innovations (particularly the voucher method and an attempt to resuscitate the Czech national capital) and with the overlooking of the importance of the legal framework and its enforcement. The overly hasty privatisation has created a type of 'recombinant property' which lacks the economic order necessary to stimulate efficiency in an atmosphere of prevailing social justice. A second reason for the present difficulties is the long-term lag behind the civilisation and cultural standards typical of the advanced European countries. The first steps of the Czech transformation concentrated mainly on changes in the institutions important for the distribution of power and wealth and largely neglected the necessity of deep-reaching modernisation of Czech society and the economy. The neo-liberal strategy created conditions conducive to predatory and speculative behaviour at the expense of creative behaviour. Inherited principles of egalitarianism combined with undeserved economic privileges survived and were reinforced by important new developments in the same direction. This situation hinders the assertion of meritocratic motivations. The group advocates the development and implementation of a complex strategy of modernisation based on deliberate reforms, institutional changes and restructuring on the basis of strategic planning, and structural and regional policies which stress the role of cultivation of the institutional order and of the most important factors of economic growth and development.
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Assessments of environmental and territorial justice are similar in that both assess whether empirical relations between the spatial arrangement of undesirable hazards (or desirable public goods and services) and socio-demographic groups are consistent with notions of social justice, evaluating the spatial distribution of benefits and burdens (outcome equity) and the process that produces observed differences (process equity. Using proximity to major highways in NYC as a case study, we review methodological issues pertinent to both fields and discuss choice and computation of exposure measures, but focus primarily on measures of inequity. We present inequity measures computed from the empirically estimated joint distribution of exposure and demographics and compare them to traditional measures such as linear regression, logistic regression and Theil’s entropy index. We find that measures computed from the full joint distribution provide more unified, transparent and intuitive operational definitions of inequity and show how the approach can be used to structure siting and decommissioning decisions.
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For most of the past two decades, the notion that there is no alternative to the market as a basis for organising society has constituted a kind of global 'common sense', accepted not only by the neo-liberal Right but also by social democratic thinkers and politicians, in the form of 'the Third Way'. This paper will critically assess the central claims of neoliberalism in the light of experience in the UK and internationally, evaluate the ways in which Third Way policies are shaping social work in the UK, and in the final section, begin to explore some of the ways in which the anti-capitalist movement which has emerged in recent years might contribute to the development of a new, engaged social work, based on social justice.
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In most Western countries, the professional status of social workers is instable and insecure. Of course, most Western countries are themselves instable, ridden with feelings of insecurity and in search of reassurance and promises of control. But social work hardly lends itself as a projection screen for visions of professional control and efficiency in the face of insecurity. On the contrary: within the present cultural and political climate, social work connotes primarily with unpopular social problems, with people unable to cope adequately with the competitiveness and the rate of change of post-industrial societies, that is to say: it connotes more with dependency and helplessness then with autonomy and control. Moreover, whereas public discourse in most Western country is dominated by a neo-liberal perspective and the intricate network of economic, managerial, consumerist and military metaphors connected with it, social work still carries with it a legacy of 'progressive politics' increasingly labeled as outdated and inadequate. Although the values of solidarity and social justice connected with this 'progressive heritage' certainly have not faded away completely, the loudest and most popular voices on the level of public discourse keep underscoring the necessity to adapt to the 'realities' of present-day postindustrial societies and their dependence on economic growth, technological innovation and the dynamics of an ever more competitive world-market. This 'unavoidable' adaptation involves both the 'modernization' and progressive diminishment of 'costly' welfare-state arrangements and a radical reorientation of social work as a profession. Instead of furthering the dependency of clients in the name of solidarity, social workers should stimulate them to face their own responsibilities and help them to function more adequately in a world where individual autonomy and economic progress are dominant values. This shift has far-reaching consequences for the organization of the work itself. Efficiency and transparency are the new code words, professional autonomy is dramatically limited and interventions of social workers are increasingly bound to 'objective' standards of success and cost-effectiveness.
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The sustainability of regional development can be usefully explored through several different lenses. In situations in which uncertainties and change are key features of the ecological landscape and social organization, critical factors for sustainability are resilience, the capacity to cope and adapt, and the conservation of sources of innovation and renewal. However, interventions in social-ecological systems with the aim of altering resilience immediately confront issues of governance. Who decides what should be made resilient to what? For whom is resilience to be managed, and for what purpose? In this paper we draw on the insights from a diverse set of case studies from around the world in which members of the Resilience Alliance have observed or engaged with sustainability problems at regional scales. Our central question is: How do certain attributes of governance function in society to enhance the capacity to manage resilience? Three specific propositions were explored: ( 1) participation builds trust, and deliberation leads to the shared understanding needed to mobilize and self-organize; ( 2) polycentric and multilayered institutions improve the fit between knowledge, action, and social-ecological contexts in ways that allow societies to respond more adaptively at appropriate levels; and ( 3) accountable authorities that also pursue just distributions of benefits and involuntary risks enhance the adaptive capacity of vulnerable groups and society as a whole. Some support was found for parts of all three propositions. In exploring the sustainability of regional social-ecological systems, we are usually faced with a set of ecosystem goods and services that interact with a collection of users with different technologies, interests, and levels of power. In this situation in our roles as analysts, facilitators, change agents, or stakeholders, we not only need to ask: The resilience of what, to what? We must also ask: For whom?
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The sustainability of regional development can be usefully explored through several different lenses. In situations in which uncertainties and change are key features of the ecological landscape and social organization, critical factors for sustainability are resilience, the capacity to cope and adapt, and the conservation of sources of innovation and renewal. However, interventions in social-ecological systems with the aim of altering resilience immediately confront issues of governance. Who decides what should be made resilient to what? For whom is resilience to be managed, and for what purpose? In this paper we draw on the insights from a diverse set of case studies from around the world in which members of the Resilience Alliance have observed or engaged with sustainability problems at regional scales. Our central question is: How do certain attributes of governance function in society to enhance the capacity to manage resilience? Three specific propositions were explored: ( 1) participation builds trust, and deliberation leads to the shared understanding needed to mobilize and self-organize; ( 2) polycentric and multilayered institutions improve the fit between knowledge, action, and social-ecological contexts in ways that allow societies to respond more adaptively at appropriate levels; and ( 3) accountable authorities that also pursue just distributions of benefits and involuntary risks enhance the adaptive capacity of vulnerable groups and society as a whole. Some support was found for parts of all three propositions. In exploring the sustainability of regional social-ecological systems, we are usually faced with a set of ecosystem goods and services that interact with a collection of users with different technologies, interests, and levels of power. In this situation in our roles as analysts, facilitators, change agents, or stakeholders, we not only need to ask: The resilience of what, to what? We must also ask: For whom?
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El trabajo pretende justificar, a partir de una argumentación epistemológica, la propuesta de fundamentar filosóficamente la ética profesional del Trabajo Social desde la ética social y ciudadana. Describe el estatuto objetivo de la profesión y las principales contradicciones que, en el ejercicio de la misma, se producen entre sistemas de valores o de normas. En grandes líneas se trabaja el concepto de ciudadanía, particularmente de la ciudadanía social, y se enuncian los valores y virtudes de la ética ciudadana. Se demuestra que la adopción de la ética ciudadana como fundamentación de la ética profesional del Trabajo Social haría posible la superación de las contradicciones descriptas. El Trabajo Social aparece entonces prefigurado como una profesión con rasgos ético-políticos al servicio del valor de la justicia social.
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Edgardo Antonio Vigo fue un artista plástico que utilizó distintas técnicas y formas de expresión, como la poesía visual, las performances urbanas, el arte correo, la escritura de manifiestos y otros textos, así como la edición de revistas, entre otras actividades. Vigo produjo su poética en clave de rebeldía de su tiempo, especialmente entre los '60 y '70, pero su rebelión transcurrió también por fuera del estereotipo más consolidado para la época. La obra de Vigo retoma algunos procedimientos de las vanguardias, como la utilización del objeto ya hecho, el uso de espacios alternativos de producción y difusión de sus obras, el abandono casi completo del formato de cuadro, entre otros. Interesa pensar en este trabajo de qué modo esta apropiación de técnicas y procedimientos previos, se combina con otra ruptura dirigida no sólo al sistema artístico, sino también al orden social. En este sentido, la obra de Vigo piensa su tiempo. ;Así como tematizó ciertos acontecimientos de relevancia política de los ámbitos nacional e internacional, también realizó una operación novedosa en su obra: la utilización del discurso judicial-administrativo. Se analizan en este trabajo algunos de sus usos en acciones artísticas. Concluimos en que se trató de una materia que incorporaría en su poética para desnaturalizarla de su lugar original, aristocrático y privatista. En este sentido, toma un aspecto no menor del funcionamiento del orden social disociándolo de su lugar normal y, al ofrecerlo a todos a través de acciones artísticas, permite una apropiación descentrada, fuera de los límites impuestos por su naturaleza
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Edgardo Antonio Vigo fue un artista plástico que utilizó distintas técnicas y formas de expresión, como la poesía visual, las performances urbanas, el arte correo, la escritura de manifiestos y otros textos, así como la edición de revistas, entre otras actividades. Vigo produjo su poética en clave de rebeldía de su tiempo, especialmente entre los '60 y '70, pero su rebelión transcurrió también por fuera del estereotipo más consolidado para la época. La obra de Vigo retoma algunos procedimientos de las vanguardias, como la utilización del objeto ya hecho, el uso de espacios alternativos de producción y difusión de sus obras, el abandono casi completo del formato de cuadro, entre otros. Interesa pensar en este trabajo de qué modo esta apropiación de técnicas y procedimientos previos, se combina con otra ruptura dirigida no sólo al sistema artístico, sino también al orden social. En este sentido, la obra de Vigo piensa su tiempo. ;Así como tematizó ciertos acontecimientos de relevancia política de los ámbitos nacional e internacional, también realizó una operación novedosa en su obra: la utilización del discurso judicial-administrativo. Se analizan en este trabajo algunos de sus usos en acciones artísticas. Concluimos en que se trató de una materia que incorporaría en su poética para desnaturalizarla de su lugar original, aristocrático y privatista. En este sentido, toma un aspecto no menor del funcionamiento del orden social disociándolo de su lugar normal y, al ofrecerlo a todos a través de acciones artísticas, permite una apropiación descentrada, fuera de los límites impuestos por su naturaleza
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Whilst the intricate set of national and genuine European competences is probably just as convoluted as it has always been, the expectations of EU citizens are nothing of the sort. This is especially true in the area of employment and social affairs. What they want from policymakers is social safety and risk protection. And whether these things are done on the European or national level is of little importance. We have studied the latest data on social justice in the EU in order to describe the most important tasks and challenges currently facing Marianne Thyssen, the new Social Affairs Commissioner.
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European countries are losing momentum for social policy reforms: The results of the SIM Europe Index report on social justice, published in September 2014, suggested a growing social divide among the member states. Assessing six policy areas of social inclusion, the data revealed the deteriorating social situation since 2009 across the EU. The report stressed, in particular, the difficulties southern EU member states were having in coping with the effects of the financial and economic crisis. This second report, the SIM Europe Reform Barometer, takes up these results and delivers two tasks: to impartially assess the extent of problem awareness of governments, and to ask whether they have enacted concrete social policy initiatives to tackle these challenges and to counterbalance the growing divide. Southern European member states, especially, did not or have not been able to pursue reforms to limit their withering levels of a socially inclusive society. In almost all key dimensions of social inclusion, those member states most affected by the implications of the protracted economic and fiscal crisis in the EU have been least able to confine the ongoing ‘internal devaluation’ in terms of socially balanced governmental activity. By contrast, some northern member states have legislated acts which seem well-suited to at least stabilise or even increase their level of social inclusion.