Of housing and politics : mapping political opportunities for mobilising in Bangalore, India

Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

Affordable Housing in Iowa: Meeting New Challenges, 2007

Iowa faces a signifi cant challenge over the next decade. In the words of a recent report, “The state faces the danger of worker and skill gaps that could undermine its businesses, erode the earning power of its workers, and slow its economic growth.” (Iowa Works Campaign, 2006) Iowa’s economic and demographic stability depends on attracting new immigrants and slowing the departure of residents. Eroding housing affordability and quality will make this more difficult. Housing alone cannot solve the problem, but it must be part of the solution. This study examines trends in the state’s major housing markets, analyzes the achievements of housing programs in the recent past, and incorporates input from more than 80 housing experts across the state. The second part of this study (included on the attached CD) analyzes housing’s impact on the economy. We developed three major policy recommendations.

Affordable Housing in Iowa: Meeting New Challenges, 2007

Iowa faces a significant challenge over the next decade. In the words of a recent report, “The state faces the danger of worker and skill gaps that could undermine its businesses, erode the earning power of its workers, and slow its economic growth.” (Iowa Works Campaign, 2006) Iowa’s economic and demographic stability depends on attracting new immigrants and slowing the departure of residents. Eroding housing affordability and quality will make this more difficult. Housing alone cannot solve the problem, but it must be part of the solution. This study examines trends in the state’s major housing markets, analyzes the achievements of housing programs in the recent past, and incorporates input from more than 80 housing experts across the state. The second part of this study (included on the attached CD) analyzes housing’s impact on the economy. We developed three major policy recommendations.

Housing Task Force Report, August 2008

Few disaster recovery initiatives are more important than those that house the people and assist them to repair or replace their homes. The widespread damage to housing from the tornadoes, storms, and floods in 2008 creates greater challenges in housing than the state has faced from previous disasters. The Housing Task Force gratefully submits its Report to the Rebuild Iowa Advisory Commission as an opportunity to place data, issues, priorities and recommendations before residents, communities, state officials, and policymakers at all levels for consideration of how best to guide, support, and resource these efforts. Quantifying the impact of the disasters on communities is daunting. The many personal accounts and sets of community statistics paint pictures of Iowans who have emerged from the rubble or muck of their homes with a determination and commitment to rebuild not just like they were previous to the disasters, but better and stronger. Damage statistics are telling.

Supplemental Information to the August 2008 Housing Task Force Report, August 2008

Few disaster recovery initiatives are more important than those that house the people and assist them to repair or replace their homes. The widespread damage to housing from the tornadoes, storms, and floods in 2008 creates greater challenges in housing than the state has faced from previous disasters. The Housing Task Force gratefully submits its Report to the Rebuild Iowa Advisory Commission as an opportunity to place data, issues, priorities and recommendations before residents, communities, state officials, and policymakers at all levels for consideration of how best to guide, support, and resource these efforts. Quantifying the impact of the disasters on communities is daunting. The many personal accounts and sets of community statistics paint pictures of Iowans who have emerged from the rubble or muck of their homes with a determination and commitment to rebuild not just like they were previous to the disasters, but better and stronger. Damage statistics are telling. Supplemental Information to the August 2008

Fair Housing Guide, 2011

Booklet produced by the Iowa Civil Rights Commission

The Challenge of Housing for Ex-Offenders, Data Download, Iowa Department of Corrections, September 2010

On October 5, 2010 there were 25,829 probationers and parolees (including special sentence) under community-based corrections field supervision statewide. As shown in the pie charts below, LSI-R offender assessments show that a sizeable percent of offenders are dissatisfied with their living accommodations – particularly for higher risk offenders.

Fair Housing and You

Familial status, or presence of children in the home, protects families with children under 18 years of age. Also protected are families seeking custody of a child or expecting the birth of a child. There is only a narrow exception to this part of the law: units designated as “housing for older persons.” Property owners are required by the law to allow reasonable modifications to a property (at the tenant’s expense) and to make reasonable accommodations in policies in order to accommodate the needs of persons with disabilities.

Fair Housing For Families with Children

What’s wrong with this advertisement? This wording used to be very familiar in our daily newspaper ads. But the federal Fair Housing Amendments Act was passed in 1988, making it illegal to refuse to rent or sell property to families because they have children. In 1992, the Iowa Civil Rights Act was amended to also prohibit discrimination against families with children. The law defines a family with children as follows: One or more individuals under the age of 18 living with a parent, or with a person having legal custody  A designee of such parent or legal guardian  Persons who are expecting a baby or who are seeking legal custody of a child.

Design and Construction in Fair Housing: Enforcement, Timeless and Practical Suggestion, Spring 2010

In addition to the Fair Housing Act of 1968, other legislation has expanded protection from discrimination for individuals with disabilities, including the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990. Notably, the Fair Housing Amendments Act (FHAA), signed into law by Ronald Reagan in 1988, expanded equal housing protection to individuals with disabilities. The legislative history behind the 1988 Amendments notes that one aim of the law was to address both purposeful discrimination as well as what is sometimes unintentional discrimination caused by the design and construction of inaccessible housing.

Fair Housing Frequently Asked Questions

Fair housing question and answer sheet produced by the Department of Civil Rights.

What the Law Requires Accessible Multi-family Housing in Iowa, Janaury 2001

For people with disabilities, however, housing options have been limited. Today, state and federal laws are changing this. Who will benefit? All of us. For “accessibility” is an issue that, at one time or another, affects us all. This is true whether _ temporarily or permanently _ we use wheelchairs, need grab bars, cannot climb stairs, require easy-to-reach shelves, or rely on easy-to-navigate living spaces. The primary purpose of accessible housing law is to prevent discrimination against people with disabilities, but the end result is a living environment that is more usable for everyone. For example, both the very young and the very old will find an accessible dwelling more comfortable. People with temporary limitations due to injury or illness will find it easier to live in. Such a home will be more welcoming to guests with disabilities.

Sexual Orientation & Gender Indentity: A Housing Provider’s Guide to Iowa Law Compliance, 2007

Effective July 1, 2007, the Iowa Civil Rights Act (Iowa Code Chapter 216) was expanded to add sexual orientation and gender identity to the list of protected classes. It is now ILLEGAL in Iowa to discriminate against a person because of his/her sexual orientation or gender identity.