Thermal fatigue analysis of small-satellite structure

The small-satellite thermal subsystem main function is to control temperature ranges on equipments, and payload for the orbit specified. Structure subsystem has to ensure the satellite structure integrity. Structure integrity should meet two constraints; first constraint is accepted fatigue damage due to cyclic temperature, and second one is tolerable mounting accuracy at payload and Attitude Determination and Control Subsystem (ADCS) equipments’ seats. First, thermal analysis is executed by applying finitedifference method (IDEAS) and temperature profile for satellite components case is evaluated. Then, thermal fatigue analysis is performed applying finite-element analysis (ANSYS) to calculate the resultant damage due to on-orbit cyclic stresses, and structure deformations at the payload and ADCS equipments seats.

Thermal Deformation Analysis of Micro satellite Structure

Mounting accuracy of satellite payload and ADCS (attitude determination and control subsystem) seats is one of the requirements to achieve the satellite mission with acceptable performance. Components of mounting inaccuracy are technological inaccuracies, residual plastic deformations after loading (during transportation and orbital insertion), elastic deformations, and thermal deformations during orbital operation. This paper focuses on estimation of thermal deformations of satellite structure. Thermal analysis is executed by applying finite-difference method (IDEAS) and temperature profile for satellite components case is evaluated. Then, Perform thermal finite-element analysis applying the finite-difference model results as boundary conditions; and calculate the resultant thermal strain. Next, applying the resultant thermal strain, perform finite-element structure analysis to evaluate structure deformations at the payload and ADCS equipments seats.

A static test method to assess swivel seat strength in frontal impact

Mechanical swivel seat adaptations are a key aftermarket disability modification to any small-to medium-sized passenger vehicle. However, the crashworthiness of these devices is currently unregulated and the existing 20g dynamic sled testing approach is prohibitively expensive for prototype assessment purposes. In this paper, an alternative quasi-static test method for swivel seat assessment is presented, and two different approaches (free-body diagram and multibody modelling) validated through published experimental data are developed to determine the appropriate loading conditions to apply in the quasi-static testing.Results show the two theoretical approaches can give similar results for estimating the quasi-static loading conditions, and this depends on the seatbelt configuration. Application of the approach to quasi-static testing of both conventional seats and those with integrated seat belts showed the approach to be successful and easy to apply. It is proposed that this method be used by swivel seat designers to assess new prototypes prior to final validation via the traditional 20g sled test.

Old conflicts, new rivals? Airline competition in the European market

Christoph Franz of Lufthansa recently identified Ryanair, easyJet, Air Berlin and Emirates as the company’s main competitors – gone are the days when it could benchmark itself against BA or Air France-KLM! This paper probes behind the headlines to assess the extent to which different airlines are in competition, using evidence from the UK and mainland European markets. The issue of route versus network competition is addressed. Many regulators have put an emphasis on the former whereas the latter, although less obvious, can be more relevant. For example, BA and American will cease to compete between London and Dallas Fort Worth if their alliance obtains anti-trust immunity but 80% of the passengers on this route are connecting at one or both ends and hence arguably belong to different markets (e.g. London-San Francisco, Zurich-Dallas, Edinburgh-New Orleans) which may be highly contested. The remaining 20% of local traffic is actually insufficient to support a single point to point service in its own right. Estimates are made of the seat capacity major airlines are offering to the local market as distinct from feeding other routes. On a sector such as Manchester–Amsterdam, 60% of KLM’s passengers are transferring at Schiphol as against only 1% of bmibaby’s. Thus although KLM operates 5 flights and 630 seats per day against bmibaby’s 2 flights and 298 seats, in the point to point market bmibaby offers more seats than KLM. The growth of the Low Cost Carriers (LCCs) means that competition increasingly needs to be viewed on city pair markets (e.g. London-Rome) rather than airport pair markets (e.g. Heathrow-Fiumicino). As the stronger LCCs drive out weaker rivals and mainline carriers retrench to their major hubs, some markets now have fewer direct options than existed prior to the low cost boom. Timings and frequencies are considered, in particular the extent to which services are a true alternative especially for business travellers. LCCs typically offer lower frequencies and more unsociable timings (e.g. late evening arrivals at remote airports) as they are more focused on providing the cheapest service rather than the most convenient schedule. Interesting findings on ‘monopoly’ services are presented (including alliances) - certain airlines have many more of these than others. Lufthansa has a significant number of sectors to itself whereas at the other extreme British Airways has direct competition on almost every route in its network. Ryanair and flybe have a higher proportion of monopoly routes than easyJet or Air Berlin. In the domestic US market it has become apparent since deregulation that better financial returns can come from dominating a large number of smaller markets rather than being heavily exposed in the major markets - which are hotly fought over. Regional niches that appear too thin for Ryanair to serve (with its all 189 seat 737-800 fleet) are identified. Fare comparisons in contrasting markets provide some insights to marketing and pricing strategies. Data sources used include OAG (schedules and capacity), AEA (traditional European airlines traffic by region), the UK CAA (airport, airline and route traffic plus survey information of passenger types) and ICAO (international route traffic and capacity by carrier). It is concluded that airlines often have different competitors depending on the context but in surprisingly many cases there are actually few or no direct substitutes. The competitive process set in train by deregulation of European air services in the 1990s is leading back to one of natural monopolies and oblique alternatives. It is the names of the main participants that have changed however!

O uso que os partidos políticos fazem do facebook

A dissertação que ora apresentamos é um requisito para a obtenção do grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas, pelo Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa - Escola Superior de Comunicação Social. Intitulado ‘O Uso que os Partidos Políticos Portugueses fazem do Facebook’, este estudo foi desenvolvido para tentarmos analisar e perceber o que os partidos políticos comunicam pelas suas páginas oficiais e nacionais na maior rede social. Inserido num contexto altamente relacional, ideológico e informacional, num mundo global em constantes mutações, que papel dão as organizações políticas à ferramenta de comunicação que se tornou o Facebook? Dos resultados obtidos, percebemos que dos seis partidos políticos portugueses com assento parlamentar – PSD, PS, CDS-PP, PCP, BE e PEV – nem todos detinham páginas oficiais e nacionais no Facebook, sendo que aqueles que as detêm ainda não retiram total partido das potencialidades da ferramenta de comunicação directa, imediata e interactiva que é a rede social. Apesar do transversal reconhecimento da sua importância, os partidos portugueses relegam a importância da criação de relações duradouras com o público através do Facebook.

A lei aplicável ao processo de arbitragem internacional

This paper is the author’s Master’s Thesis. It aims to study the content of lexarbitri, i.e. the relevant law regarding international arbitration. Under both Portuguese law and UNCITRAL model law, the seat’s legal provisions shall be applied at all times. Contrarily, French and Swiss legislations allow parties and arbitrators to apply any arbitration law to international arbitration, whether the seat law or a foreign arbitration law. There is not a sole understanding towards the criteria to determine the legal provisions that shall govern international arbitration. Traditionally, the lexarbitri would correspond to the arbitration law of the seat of the arbitration. The territorialist criteria remains in force under the majority of arbitration laws that the author has consulted. However, it has been criticized by several authorities in international arbitration, who suggest that the arbitration shall be governed by the law of the seat or of the place in which the award is to be enforcement, whichever better grants its enforcement – the cumulative doctrine; or the arbitration shall be governed by a set of provisions that make up the autonomous transnational legal, regardless of the legal provisions of the law of the seat – the transnational doctrine. The author intends to debate the three mentioned understandings regarding the lexarbitriand further explains why the territorialist criteria is the most adequate to the characteristics and demands of international arbitration, to the governing instruments in force and to the need for a useful award.

Paving the way? Female leadership and attitudes toward gender

In a male dominant political world, the cases of female leadership are still a novelty. Looking at the episodes where a woman was head of state or government, the impact on attitudes and perceptions toward gender equality is evaluated. By instrumenting the presence of a female in government with the proportion of female seats in parliament, the results seem to suggest that individuals, when exposed to a woman as an executive political leader, report a higher tendency to agree with statements of gender discrimination.

Checking the Boat

Before a race the crew and the coach must check the boat to make sure all the nuts are fastened and all the seats and foots stops are in the right place. Here is Tony Biernacki watching over as Brock's first female crew doing just that in 1967.

Thistle Theatre

Located inside Brock's Thistle Complex, the Thistle Theatre, which has since been renamed the Sean O'Sullivan Theatre, features a thrust stage and steep rising tiers of seats in a semi circular 'bowl'. Although often described as a 550 seat theatre, in actuality it originally had exactly 543 seats. It is interesting to note that the official number of seats is now 538. The very first production to be held at the theatre was Lysistrata, the Greek comedy by Aristophanes, on July 29, 1969. Since it's opening in 1969, it has been the centre of a great many cultural events and other performances ranging from concerts and plays to lectures and speeches.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism

The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.

Photograph - Dorothy Rungeling's Second Airplane

A photograph of Dorothy Rungeling's second airplane. The airplane is described as a Piper PA20, 4 seats, 125 h.p. Lycoming engine.

The Prince’s Visit to St. Catharines Broadside, 1860

Broadside advertising the appearance of the Prince of Wales, Albert Edward, who was Queen Victoria’s eldest son. He was to become Edward VII. The visit took place on Tuesday, the 18th of September in 1860. The broadside measures 20 cm. x 17.5 cm. The Royal Coat of Arms is featured on the top. Different typefaces are used throughout the broadside. The Broadside reads: "The Prince's Visit to St. Catharines. His Royal Highness will be at St. Catharines on Tuesday, the 18th Sept. 1860. The Committee of Management express the earnest hope that the Inhabitants of the Counties of Lincoln & Welland Generally, will manifest their Loyalty by joining in an enthusiastic demonstration to the Prince. Come Early to get Seats! As the accommodation in the Amphitheatre will be limited. A Grand Procession Of Firemen and other Public Bodies will be formed, accompanied by Bands of Music. A Royal Salute Will be fired by the St. Catharines Volunteer Artillery Company; and British Cheers will be given by the assembled assembled thousands. A General Illumination in the Evening! God Save The Queen! C.P. Camp, Sec'y to Committee. St. Catharines, September 15, 1860."

On the Manipulability of Proportional Representation

This paper presents a new model of voter behaviour under methods of proportional representation (PR). We abstract away from rounding, and assume that a party securing k percent of the vote wins exactly k percent of the available seats. Under this assumption PR is not manipulable by any voter aiming at maximisation of the number of seats in the parliament of her most preferred party. However in this paper we assume that voters are concerned, first and foremost, with the distribution of power in the post-election parliament. We show that, irrespective of which positional scoring rule is adopted, there will always exist circumstances where a voter would have an incentive to vote insincerely. We demonstrate that a voter’s attitude toward uncertainty can influence her incentives to make an insincere vote. Finally, we show that the introduction of a threshold - a rule that a party must secure at least a certain percentage of the vote in order to reach parliament - creates new opportunities for strategic voting. We use the model to explain voter behaviour at the most recent New Zealand general election.

El Acto Legislativo 01 de 2003. ¿Herramienta fallida para el fortalecimiento de los Partidos Políticos en Colombia?. Caso de estudio : Partido Social de Unidad Nacional - Partido de La U

La excesiva proliferación de partidos políticos y listas a las corporaciones públicas, permitidas por la debilidad normativa de la Constitución de 1991 y la suspicacia de los políticos colombianos, hizo necesaria una reforma política en el año 2003. Esta reforma, manifestada en el Acto Legislativo 01 de 2003, modificó el sistema electoral colombiano; los cambios más visibles modificaron la forma de conversión de votos en escaños, la forma de candidatura y modalidad del voto, y la creación una barrera legal. Estas modificaciones llevaron a la reagrupación de los partidos políticos, pero no necesariamente a su fortalecimiento, ya que no establece las herramientas necesarias para la transparencia y la democratización interna de los partidos, que conllevarían a su real institucionalización. El Partido Social de Unidad Nacional , partido de La U-, es creado después de la implementación de la reforma y consigue la mayor votación nacional en sus primeras elecciones. Pero, ¿lo convierte ese resultado electoral en un partido fuerte?.