873 resultados para Relocation (Housing)


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This document is the State of Iowa's Annual Performance Report (APR) for the period beginning January 1, 2006 and ending December 31, 2006 (Program Year 2006). This report is intended to fulfill the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) requirements that require the state to annually review and report the progress made in carrying out its Consolidated Plan for Housing and Community Development. This report, and the supplemental documentation included with it, replaces several year end reports submitted individually in the past.

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We estimate empirically the effect of immigration on house prices and residentialconstruction activity in Spain over the period 1998-2008. This decade is characterized by both aspectacular housing market boom and a stunning immigration wave. We exploit the variation inimmigration across Spanish provinces and construct an instrument based on the historicallocation patterns of immigrants by country of origin. The evidence points to a sizeable causaleffect of immigration on both prices and quantities in the housing market. Between 1998 and2008, the average Spanish province received an immigrant inflow equal to 17% of the initialworking-age population. We estimate that this inflow increased house prices by about 52% andis responsible for 37% of the total construction of new housing units during the period. Thesefigures imply that immigration can account for roughly one third of the housing boom, both interms of prices and new construction.

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This paper provides evidence that the combination of land-use restrictions and anincreasing demand for housing can create incentives to induce forest fires as a means tocircumvent regulation and increase the supply of land available for residential construction.I estimate the effect of the price of housing on the incidence of forest fires using Spanishdata by region for 1991-2005. The results suggest that higher house prices led to asignificant increase in the incidence of forest fires in a region. I also find that the increasedincidence of forest fires led to a subsequent reduction in forest area and an increase in urbanland area. This evidence supports the claims often found in the media that propertyspeculators trying to build in forest land may be behind the recent increases in the incidenceof forest fires in Mediterranean countries.

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Federal Fair Housing Amendments Act was passed in 1988, making it illegal to refuse to rent or sell property to families because they have children. In 1992, the Iowa Civil Rights Act was amended to also prohibit discrimination against families with children.

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This brochure provides general information about relocation assistance provided by the Iowa Department of Transportation (DOT) for those individuals who may be required to move as a result of a highway project. It is not intended to be a legal document that comprehensively explains every right or obligation you have as established by Chapter 316, Code of Iowa; Federal Public Laws 91-646 and 100-17; and 49 CFR. Your relocation adviser will provide the assistance you need to successfully relocate to a suitable replacement property. Your first contact with your relocation adviser will usually occur during the early stages of the appraisal process, and he or she will continue to work with you until you have moved and become established at a new location. Do not hesitate to ask questions so you are sure you understand the process, your rights and the benefits available to you. Please let your DOT relocation adviser know your needs and preferences. If your relocation adviser is unable to help you with a specific problem or concern, he or she may know of another person or an organization that can help you. DO NOT MOVE UNTIL YOU HAVE CONTACTED YOUR DOT RELOCATION ADVISER. Only then will you be sure you are not jeopardizing your potential rights and benefits under this program. No person who lawfully occupies real property will be required by DOT to move without being notified in writing at least 90 days in advance.

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Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

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Iowa faces a signifi cant challenge over the next decade. In the words of a recent report, “The state faces the danger of worker and skill gaps that could undermine its businesses, erode the earning power of its workers, and slow its economic growth.” (Iowa Works Campaign, 2006) Iowa’s economic and demographic stability depends on attracting new immigrants and slowing the departure of residents. Eroding housing affordability and quality will make this more difficult. Housing alone cannot solve the problem, but it must be part of the solution. This study examines trends in the state’s major housing markets, analyzes the achievements of housing programs in the recent past, and incorporates input from more than 80 housing experts across the state. The second part of this study (included on the attached CD) analyzes housing’s impact on the economy. We developed three major policy recommendations.

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Iowa faces a significant challenge over the next decade. In the words of a recent report, “The state faces the danger of worker and skill gaps that could undermine its businesses, erode the earning power of its workers, and slow its economic growth.” (Iowa Works Campaign, 2006) Iowa’s economic and demographic stability depends on attracting new immigrants and slowing the departure of residents. Eroding housing affordability and quality will make this more difficult. Housing alone cannot solve the problem, but it must be part of the solution. This study examines trends in the state’s major housing markets, analyzes the achievements of housing programs in the recent past, and incorporates input from more than 80 housing experts across the state. The second part of this study (included on the attached CD) analyzes housing’s impact on the economy. We developed three major policy recommendations.

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The Rebuild Iowa Education Task Force is composed of Iowans with experience and expertise related to the impact of the tornadoes, storms, and floods of 2008 on the educational system in Iowa. The massive damage greatly impacted educational facilities and enrollment, resulting in thousands of displaced students and significant long-term rebuilding needs. In addition, the education system is a “community center,” and in many ways acts as a first responder to Iowans experiencing the disasters. It is important to also recognize this role and the need for “non-educational” (and often non-quantifiable) supports as a part of the overall recovery effort. There are a few parts of the state that sustained significant structural and other damage as a result of the disasters. However, many school districts and educational institutions throughout the state experienced damage that resulted in re-allocating building usage, enrollment issues (because of housing and relocation issues in the community), or use of school facilities to assist in the recovery efforts (by housing displaced community agencies and providing temporary shelter for displaced Iowans). At this time, damage estimates are only estimates and numbers are revised often. Estimates of damage are being developed by multiple agencies, including FEMA, the Iowa Department of Education, insurance companies, and schools themselves, since there are many different types of damage to be assessed and repaired. In addition to structural damage, educational institutions and communities are trying to find ways to quantify sometimes unquantifiable data, such as future revenue capabilities, population declines, and impact on mental health in the long-term. The data provided in this report is preliminary and as up to date as possible; information is updated on a regular basis as assessments continue and damage estimates are finalized.

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The Rebuild Iowa Education Task Force is composed of Iowans with experience and expertise related to the impact of the tornadoes, storms, and floods of 2008 on the educational system in Iowa. The massive damage greatly impacted educational facilities and enrollment, resulting in thousands of displaced students and significant long-term rebuilding needs. In addition, the education system is a “community center,” and in many ways acts as a first responder to Iowans experiencing the disasters. It is important to also recognize this role and the need for “non-educational” (and often non-quantifiable) supports as a part of the overall recovery effort. There are a few parts of the state that sustained significant structural and other damage as a result of the disasters. However, many school districts and educational institutions throughout the state experienced damage that resulted in re-allocating building usage, enrollment issues (because of housing and relocation issues in the community), or use of school facilities to assist in the recovery efforts (by housing displaced community agencies and providing temporary shelter for displaced Iowans). At this time, damage estimates are only estimates and numbers are revised often. Estimates of damage are being developed by multiple agencies, including FEMA, the Iowa Department of Education, insurance companies, and schools themselves, since there are many different types of damage to be assessed and repaired. In addition to structural damage, educational institutions and communities are trying to find ways to quantify sometimes unquantifiable data, such as future revenue capabilities, population declines, and impact on mental health in the long-term. The data provided in this report is preliminary and as up to date as possible; information is updated on a regular basis as assessments continue and damage estimates are finalized. Supplemental Information to the August 2008 Education Task Force Report

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Few disaster recovery initiatives are more important than those that house the people and assist them to repair or replace their homes. The widespread damage to housing from the tornadoes, storms, and floods in 2008 creates greater challenges in housing than the state has faced from previous disasters. The Housing Task Force gratefully submits its Report to the Rebuild Iowa Advisory Commission as an opportunity to place data, issues, priorities and recommendations before residents, communities, state officials, and policymakers at all levels for consideration of how best to guide, support, and resource these efforts. Quantifying the impact of the disasters on communities is daunting. The many personal accounts and sets of community statistics paint pictures of Iowans who have emerged from the rubble or muck of their homes with a determination and commitment to rebuild not just like they were previous to the disasters, but better and stronger. Damage statistics are telling.

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Few disaster recovery initiatives are more important than those that house the people and assist them to repair or replace their homes. The widespread damage to housing from the tornadoes, storms, and floods in 2008 creates greater challenges in housing than the state has faced from previous disasters. The Housing Task Force gratefully submits its Report to the Rebuild Iowa Advisory Commission as an opportunity to place data, issues, priorities and recommendations before residents, communities, state officials, and policymakers at all levels for consideration of how best to guide, support, and resource these efforts. Quantifying the impact of the disasters on communities is daunting. The many personal accounts and sets of community statistics paint pictures of Iowans who have emerged from the rubble or muck of their homes with a determination and commitment to rebuild not just like they were previous to the disasters, but better and stronger. Damage statistics are telling. Supplemental Information to the August 2008

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A review of relocation benefits of state agencies and regent institutions for the period July 1, 2005 through June 30, 2009

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Booklet produced by the Iowa Civil Rights Commission

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This brochure provides general information about relocation assistance provided by the Iowa Department of Transportation (DOT) for those individuals who may be required to move as a result of a highway project. It is not intended to be a legal document that comprehensively explains every right or obligation you have as established by Chapter 316, Code of Iowa; Federal Public Laws 91-646 and 100-17; and 49 CFR. Your relocation advisor will provide the assistance you need to successfully relocate to a suitable replacement property. Your first contact with your relocation advisor will usually occur during the early stages of the appraisal process, and he or she will continue to work with you until you have moved and become established at a new location. Do not hesitate to ask questions so you are sure you understand the process, your rights and the benefits available to you. Please let your DOT relocation advisor know your needs and preferences. If your relocation advisor is unable to help you with a specific problem or concern, he or she may know of another person or an organization that can help you.