Educação e relações raciais: percepções de alunos e professores de uma escola pública de São Carlos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Carlos Octavio Bunge e José Ingenieros: entre o científico e o político : pensamento racial e identidade nacional na Argentina (1880 – 1920)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Central Europeans towards Integration with the European Union: A Study of Public Opinion, Social Attitudes and National Identities

Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

Interrogating the spaces of personal photography : women, identity, and the cultural formation of photographic practice

Personal photographs permeate our lives from the moment we are born as they define who we are within our familial group and local communities. Archived in family albums or framed on living room walls, they continue on after our death as mnemonic artifacts referencing our gendered, raced, and ethnic identities. This dissertation examines salient instances of what women “do” with personal photographs, not only as authors and subjects but also as collectors, archivists, and family and cultural historians. This project seeks to contribute to more productive, complex discourse about how women form relationships and engage with the conventions and practices of personal photography. In the first part of this dissertation I revisit developments in the history of personal photography, including the advertising campaigns of the Kodak and Agfa Girls and the development of albums such as the Stammbuch and its predecessor, the carte-de-visite, that demonstrate how personal photography has functioned as a gendered activity that references family unity, sentimentalism for the past, and self-representation within normative familial and dominant cultural groups, thus suggesting its importance as a cultural practice of identity formation. The second and primary section of the dissertation expands on the critical analyses of Gillian Rose, Patricia Holland, and Nancy Martha West, who propose that personal photography, marketed to and taken on by women, double-exposes their gendered identities. Drawing on work by critics such as Deborah Willis, bell hooks, and Abigail Solomon-Godeau, I examine how the reconfiguration, recontextualization, and relocation of personal photographs in the respective work of Christine Saari, Fern Logan, and Katie Knight interrogates and complicates gendered, raced, and ethnic identities and cultural attitudes about them. In the final section of the dissertation I briefly examine select examples of how emerging digital spaces on the Internet function as a site for personal photography, one that both reinscribes traditional cultural formations while offering new opportunities for women for the display and audiencing of identities outside the family.

The Postmodern ‘Turn’ in Social Work: The Challenges of Identity and Equality

Diversity and demands for equality have challenged fixed notions of identity amongst the diverse populations of Europe. This development has prompted discourses about the significance of fluidity and multiplicity in identities that have given prominence to postmodern theories in the profession of social work. A number of social work educators have contributed to the ensuing debates. Walter Lorenz’s work has contributed substantially to developments on this front by:highlighting the dangers of essentialising fixed identities in professional practice, referring to the failure of social workers to live up to professional values and ideals in the Nazi attack on Jews and others who were different from the Aryan norms that Hitler’s regime sought to impose; arguing for racial equality in multicultural Europe; and ensuring that social work theories and practice engaged with innovations in the social sciences more generally to improve the profession’s research, theoretical and practice bases. In this article, I engage with crucial debates that have shaped the profession during the post-war period, honouring Walter Lorenz’s contributions to them in the process.

Language attitudes and language shift among ethnic migrants in Khartoum

This paper investigates language attitudes among ethnic migrant groups in Khartoum, the capital city of Sudan. A questionnaire was used to collect data on language preference, language parents prefer their children to learn, and reasons for language preference. Results suggest that while positive attitude played a significant role in learning Arabic among some of the groups under investigation, it proved to be of no help in maintaining the groups’ ethnic languages. Arabic was reported as very important for education, religious activities, economic privileges and social interaction. Ethnic languages, on the other hand, were preferred for purely symbolic reasons (symbolizing groups’ ethnic identity).

Evaluation of racial and ethnic disparities of glycemic control in the Health and Retirement Study. 2003 Diabetes Survey

Objective. To examine and evaluate racial and ethnic disparities in glycemic control among HRS respondents with diabetes aged 55-94 years. ^ Methods. The HRS Diabetes 2003 database provides data on blood-drawn glycemic control and self-reported demographics, socioeconomic status, clinical, health access and self-care characteristics. 1,141 non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic respondents were included in multiple logistic regression of glycemic control. ^ Results. The rate of poor control was significantly higher among Blacks (61.5%, 105/171) and Hispanics (65.3% 72/110) than among Whites (45.0% 387/860) (p < 0.01). After controlling for influential covariates and interactions, Blacks and Hispanics had a three-fold increased risk for poor control compared to Whites when duration was five years or less. ^ Conclusions. Clinical and self-perception variables, like duration, medication, and self-rated poor diabetes control affected glycemic control independent of race and ethnicity, but there remains unexplained racial and ethnic disparities for newly-diagnosed individuals. This is the first study to find an interaction between duration and race and ethnicity on glycemic control. Future research should incorporate cultural beliefs and attitudes about diabetes control that may explain the racial and ethnic disparity. ^

The care to share HIV disclosure study - the attitudes toward and beliefs about HIV disclosure among perinatally-infected HIV-positive youth and their caregivers

HIV incidence has not changed since the introduction of the pandemic. Daily 14,000 persons are infected with HIV and 25 to 50% of the HIV-infected population and subgroups respectively are estimated to be unaware of their HIV diagnosis. Perinatally-infected HIV-positive youth, aged 13-24 years, have survived unexpectedly into adulthood, have had unique HIV disclosure experiences and now face HIV disclosure issues of adulthood and perhaps parenthood. Despite new effective HIV therapies, no HIV prevention plan exists that has diminished the rate of new HIV infections. HIV stigma and lack of universal HIV reporting laws dissuade timely HIV disclosure. Missed HIV disclosure perpetuates HIV transmission and infection. Understanding the attitudes and beliefs of HIV disclosure among perinatally-infected HIV-positive youth and their caregivers may uncover reasons to HIV disclosure delays, avoidance and intentions. The Care to Share HIV Disclosure study was designed to identify the attitudes and beliefs of HIV disclosure among HIV-positve youth (aged 13-24 years), who were infected from birth and who knew their HIV diagnosis, along with their caregivers. Twenty-six participants (15 youth and 11 caregivers) completed the theory-based questionnaires of a 21-item multiple choice survey on HIV disclosure framed in the Theory of Reasoned Action and Theory of Planned Behavior and included an additional open-ended survey that applied the Transactional Model of Stress and Coping to address youth's and caregivers' HIV disclosure experiences. Youth were found to have a selective unfavorable HIV disclosure outcome when among referents of close friends. However youth did believe in HIV partner notification. For caregivers, it mattered who disclosed the HIV illness to the youth. HIV stigma was of concern based on the youths' tendency to believe in keeping HIV a secret and their caregivers' ambivalence to HIV secrecy. However, favorable HIV disclosure outcomes were identified for both youth and caregivers the potential for HIV disclosure: when seeking HIV knowledge, when around caregivers and close family and in situations of perceived controllability as when helping others learn about HIV. These findings unveil HIV disclosure attitudes and beliefs within this population and may reveal the attributes that may inhibit or promote HIV disclosure behaviors. HIV disclosure studies that address attitudes and beliefs among larger populations of youth and HIV-infected persons are necessary to identify effective individual, group and society approaches that would promote timely, responsible and meaningful HIV disclosure methods that promote a healthy identity and interrupt HIV transmission.^

Direitos humanos e relações raciais: uma contribuição da teoria da branquidade para a análise da jurisprudência brasileira sobre a conduta da discriminação racial prevista na legislação

A presente pesquisa se baseia na teoria crítica da branquidade, especificamente no que concerne aos elementos mais evidenciados da formação da identidade Branca, para realizar uma análise, por amostra, da tendência das demandas judiciais e julgamentos jurisprudenciais acerca da conduta de discriminação racial, prevista na legislação brasileira. Tendo em vista que as decisões dos tribunais a respeito desse tema se mostram bastantes controversas, os elementos da branquidade são trazidos a esse trabalho com a finalidade de contribuir com a tarefa dos operadores do direito de realizar a interpretação sobre dúvidas, dubiedades, lacunas e questionamentos sobre a eficácia da implementação da norma em reduzir as manifestações do racismo.

Great hatred, little room Northern Ireland and the European Union: Attitudes, perspectives and the role of religion. Bruges Political Research Papers 48/2015.

Little academic attention has been given to the study of Northern Irish Euroscepticism despite the fact that it is a unique and interesting example of citizens’ relationships with the EU. Northern Irish Euroscepticism is defined by the divergence in attitudes towards European integration between Catholics and Protestants. This is a divide that is rooted in historical and religious interpretations of the project, as well as the widespread belief that membership of the EU will somehow lead to a united Ireland. Membership in the EU has not had a significant political impact on Northern Ireland, with citizens’ attitudes being largely characterised by a clear lack of interest in the project. Participation at the European level provided limited opportunity for cooperation by both sides while it may be argued that European elections contributed to the sectarian divide.

‘Neutral, native-like or authentic’ : Investigating attitudes and beliefs of expanding circle speakers of English

The status of English as the language of international communication is by now well-established. However, in the past 16 years, research has tried to emphasize the fact that the English spoken in international contact situations and between people with other first languages than English has different needs than the English spoken locally amongst native speakers, resulting in the emergence of English as a lingua franca (ELF) as a scholarly field. However, the impact of findings in ELF has so far only led to a moderate shift in English language teaching. Especially in expanding circle countries, where ELF should have the biggest impact, change is only gradually becoming palpable. Accent and pronunciation, as one of the biggest factors on both identity and mutual intelligibility (Jenkins 2000; 2007) are at the root of discussion. The scope of this study is therefore to examine accent choices and the extent to which native speaker ideology informs the preferences of ten speakers of ELF and 27 German natives with experience in international communication. Both ethnographical and sociolinguistic methods, as well as auditory analysis have been applied and conducted. The auditory analysis of six variables in the recorded speech production of the ten speakers suggests that there is no significant preference of one norm-giving variety over the other. Rather, speakers tend to mix-and-match General American- and Standard Southern British English-like features in their pronunciation. When reporting their accent ideals, the idea of a ‘neutral’ English accent is mentioned by four participants. Neutral accents seem to have been understood as ‘unmarked accents’. Expressed beliefs on their own English pronunciation show a comparatively high level of reflection on and confidence in their own production. Results from a rating task and a survey given to 27 German participants reveal attitudes that are more negatively stacked. While Germans reported openness towards NNS (non-native speaker) accents and showed awareness of the priority of intelligibility over accent choice in both their own and others’ pronunciation, they still largely reported NS accent preference. The ratings of the production from ten ELF speakers confirmed this and showed that ‘neutral’ is equated with native-like. In the light of these findings, issues are discussed that ultimately relate to the influence of NS Englishes, identity and the development of English as an international language.

So We Beat On: How Native Interpreters at Living History Museums Experience Racial Microaggressions

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Social identity and diversity in organizations

In this paper, a social identity perspective on the management of diversity in organizations is outlined. The perspective is well-placed to offer considerable insight in this area, given that it explicates the processes through which group memberships impact on people's attitudes and behaviour both within and between groups that are operative in the workplace. According to this perspective, relative group status and the perceived permeability of intergroup boundaries are key factors that need to be considered in any efforts to understand intergroup relations in the workplace. After a brief overview of the social identity perspective, the paper discusses: i) the role that group status and perceived permeability play in determining the nature of intergroup relations in the workplace, and 2) the type of interventions that can be derived from a social identity perspective in an effort to improve intergroup relations in the workplace.

Leadership, self, and identity: A review and research agenda

This article reviews empirical research on the role of follower self-conception in leader-ship effectiveness. and specifies an agenda for future research in this area. The review shows that several aspects of follower self-conception (i.e., self-construal, self-efficacy, self-esteem, and self-consistency) may be affected by leadership. and may mediate the effects of leadership on follower behavior. There also is consistent evidence that follower self-construal moderates the impact of leadership on follower attitudes and behavior. Two key themes for future research are defined. First, future research should focus on the development of theory about the role of relational self-construal in the leadership process. Second, it seems particularly valuable to develop theory about the interplay of different aspects of follower self-conception in leadership effectiveness. including the interactive effects of these aspects of self Working backwards from these theoretical models of follower self-conception, specific leader behavior relevant to these aspects of self should then be identified. (C) 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Aboriginal self-determination in Australia - The effects of minority-majority frames and target universalism on majority collective guilt and compensation attitudes

In the context of Aboriginal-Anglo Australian relations, we tested the effect of framing (multiculturalism versus separatism) and majority group members' social values (universalism) on the persuasiveness of Aboriginal group rhetoric, majority collective guilt, attitudes toward compensation, and reparations for Aboriginals. As predicted, Anglo Australians who are low on universalism report more collective guilt when presented with a multiculturalist than a separatist Aboriginal frame, whereas those high on universalism report high levels of guilt independent of frame. The same pattern was predicted and found for the persuasiveness of the rhetoric and attitudes toward compensation. Our data suggest that (a) for individuals low in universalism, framing produces attitudes consonant with compensation because it produces collective guilt and (b) the reason that universalists are more in favor of compensation and reparation is because of high collective guilt. We discuss the strategic use of language to create power through the manipulation of collective guilt in political contexts.