In memory of Pedro Vuskovic

For those of us who shared many years of friendship and professional collaboration with Pedro Vuskovic, the news of his recent death in Mexico has been the cause of great sorrow, not only because of the circumstances of his death, following a cruel disease that gradually sapped his physical -but not intellectual- strength, but also because it signifies the loss of a great Latin American, of a teacher who helped shape so many generations of young people in our region, and of a companion during so many days of intellectual strivings and political struggle. Pedro joined the Commission in 1950, shortly after its birth as an institution. For nearly 20 years he served it brilliantly in a professional capacity, with his career in ECLAC culminating in the position of Director of the Development Division. He played a crucial role in structuring and disseminating the thinking of ECLAC during a time when the very air teemed with the ideas and concerns of a pleiad of gifted economists and social scientists. These were the post-war years, the 1950s and 1960s, when we all had to "construct" Latin America. Pedro Vuskovic laid many of the bricks in that collective theoretical and political edifice which has been of such importance to the countries of the region. Concurrently, he served as a professor in ECLAC and ILPES training programmes while at the same time teaching classes at the schools of economics and sociology at the University of Chile and the School of Economics at the University of Concepción. When he left ECLAC, Pedro plunged wholeheartedly into the academic world, serving as the Director of the Institute of Economics of the University of Chile, and then went on to claim a position at the forefront of Chilean politics. In November 1970 he was named Minister of Economic Affairs by President Salvador Allende and in June 1972, took over the cabinet-level position of Executive Vice President of the Production Development Corporation (CORFO);, where he served until September 1973. When political events carried him into exile in Mexico, which generously welcomed him as it did so many other Latin Americans who faced similar problems, Pedro carried on his valuable academic work, first at the Economic Research and Teaching Centre (CIDE);, where he directed the Institute of Economic Studies of Latin America, and later at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in the Humanities at the National University of Mexico (UNAM);, where he was named to the position of Coordinator for a programme on poverty and development options in various countries of Latin America. Although he will be remembered for his important political role, Pedro's work as a scholar and as an economist deserve special mention. He was a brilliant speaker, at the same time both methodical and incisive, who mastered his subjects with great wisdom and intellectual breadth, and he derived a special joy from being with young people, from providing them with intellectual stimulation and receiving it from them in turn. The many generations of Latin American students who were fortunate enough to have him as a teacher can attest to this. Pedro Vuskovic brought to his work as a researcher and teacher a deep sense of political and social responsibility which moved him to espouse the cause of Latin America 's poor and dispossessed, whose position he had come to understand very early on in his life through the many studies he carried out in this area while at ECLAC. He was tenacious in upholding his ideas and principles, he lived in accordance with them, and he championed them in all the forums open to him, in both the political and academic worlds, to the end of his days. His friends and colleagues also remember his geniality, his sense of humour and great personal warmth -traits which were coupled with an unshakable loyalty to his principles and values. Our farewell is deeply felt; Pedro Vuskovic has left us a legacy of memories and lessons that we will always hold close to our hearts. On behalf of his friends and colleagues, Jacobo Schatan, former Director of the Joint ECLAC/FAO, Agriculture Division

Employment and structural mobility. Revisiting a Prebischian theme

Includes bibliography

FOREST ANIMAL DAMAGE CONTROL

As a nation we have gained world recognition for our ability to utilize our resources. In forestry our greatest accomplishments have been in the mechanization of harvest methods and in improvements in forest products. The renewal of this resource has been our greatest neglect. Though the end of the 19th Century marked the beginning of the conservation movement, it was not until a half century later that the force of economics through the demands of a growing population made forest re-establishment more than just a desire. Conservation in itself is a Utopian concept which requires other motivating forces to make it a reality. In the post-war years, and as late as the early 195O's, stocked land in the Pacific Northwest could be purchased for less than the cost of planting; the economic incentive was lacking. Only with sustained yield management and increased land values was there a balance in favor of true values. With greater effort placed on forest regeneration there was an increased need for methods of reducing losses to wildlife. The history of forest wildlife damage research, therefore, parallels that of forest land management; after rather austere beginnings, development became predominantly a response to economics. It was not until 1950 that the full time of one scientist was assigned to this important activity. The development of control methods for forest animal damage is a relatively new area of research. All animal life is dependent upon plants for its existence; forest wildlife is no exception. The removal of seed and foliage of undesirable plants often benefits the land managers; only when the losses or injuries are in conflict with man's interest is there damage involved. Unfortunately, the feeding activities of wildlife and the interests of the land managers are often in conflict. Few realize the breadth, scope, and subtilities associated with forest wildlife damage problems. There are not only numerous species of animals involved, but also a myriad of conditions, each combination possessing unique facets. It is a foregone conclusion that an understanding of the conditions is essential to facilitate a solution to any given problem. Though there are numerous methods of reducing animal damage, all of which have application under some situations, in this discussion emphasis will be placed on the role of chemicals and on western problems. Because of the broadness and complexity of the problem, generalizing is necessary and only brief coverage will be possible. However, an attempt will be made to discuss the use and limitations of various control methods.

La "responsabilità sociale" dell'imprenditore negli ambienti cattolici lombardi dagli anni Trenta alla Ricostruzione

My research focuses on the mentality of catholic entrepreneurs and managers in Italy between the 1930's and the 1950's. The main source of my study is the archive of an organization called Unione Cristiana Imprenditori Dirigenti [Christian Entrepreneurs and Managers Association], which was founded in Milan in 1945 with the pedagogic intent to foster higher moral standards and social responsibility in the milieux of catholic entrepreneurs, in the spirit of the Social Doctrine of the Church. This experience was set in the social and political context of the Italian post-war years, but it was also rooted in the debate – started during the 1930s - on the rise of a new catholic leadership in society.

Los primeros sobrevivientes de la Shoa en Argentina : su imagen y memoria en la sociedad general y judía: 1945-50 (Primera Parte)

En la primera parte de esta indagación histórica se explora la imagen de los sobrevivientes en la sociedad general, con el trasfondo de la política inmigratoria argentina del peronismo entre 1946-50 que discriminaba a los refugiados judíos; después se indaga el lugar de la ayuda a esos sobrevivientes dentro de las prioridades de la comunidad judía organizada. Finalmente, se aborda un aspecto aún no investigado: el esfuerzo solitario de sus familiares residentes en Argentina para procurar, de organizaciones locales comunitarias e internacionales judías, el ingreso y socorro a los sobrevivientes que fueron localizados en los campos de personas desplazadas (DPs) y en otros lugares de Europa. Además se explora el impacto y memoria de la Shoa en los esfuerzos de reconstitución comunitaria a nivel institucional y educativa de la Kheila de Buenos Aires, realizados durante los primeros años de posguerra cuando la ayuda a los sobrevivientes que empezaban a arribar a Argentina quedó librada a la solitaria solidaridad de sus familiares locales y de asociaciones de coterráneos. Dada su extensión, aquí se publica la primera parte de este trabajo, el cual será completado en el número siguiente

Road to 1966 : caminos hacia "complejidad y contradicción en la arquitectura", en la cultura arquitectónica de la segunda posguerra en EE.UU

Complejidad y contradicción en la arquitectura ha resultado ser una de las referencias capitales más aludidas, citadas y reproducidas de la literatura arquitectónica de los tiempos recientes. No en vano, en la introducción de la propia obra, Vincent Scully afirmó que «probablemente es el texto más importante sobre arquitectura desde ‘Vers une Architecture’, escrito por Le Corbusier en 1923». Sin embargo, sus fuentes parece que están inexploradas o, al menos, no examinadas. Por ello, Road to 1966 se plantea como un trabajo de investigación con tres objetivos de partida fundamentales: (1) el interés en estudiar el debate arquitectónico candente, creado con las fricciones surgidas entre los protagonistas de unos años que cambiaron el estado de lo que se consideraba una obra legítima en arquitectura; (2) se pretende ampliar la cronología del desarrollo intelectual de un texto, el de Venturi, que marcó la segunda mitad del siglo xx, de manera retroactiva hasta los años de la II Guerra Mundial, cuando parece que empezaban a ser coherentes y reconocibles unas nuevas posiciones desde las que aproximarse a las cuestiones de la práctica, la teoría y la historia de la arquitectura; (3) poder ofrecer una nueva interpretación de dicho texto de Venturi, entendido no como el origen primigenio de parte de las grandes transformaciones de la arquitectura reciente (de los últimos cincuenta años), sino como el resultado necesario de esa cronología intelectual previa. La arquitectura norteamericana de estos años de posguerra ha resultado ser crucial en su posterior desarrollo, y, especialmente, en relación al libro de Venturi. De hecho, Scully en la introducción de la edición original de Complejidad y contradicción, señalaba que «el principal argumento del libro está expuesto a finales de los cincuenta». Que la arquitectura del siglo xx tiene en la Norteamérica de los años sesenta -cuando se consolida la figura de Venturi- uno de sus capítulos más decisivos, frecuentemente asumido como el paso siguiente a la importada modernidad heroica europea, hoy parece no ser discutido por casi nadie. Ahora bien: ¿qué ocurre con los años intermedios? ¿Qué acontece entre el final de la II Guerra Mundial y esos años sesenta? La posible carencia de una postura dominante y clara quizás haya sumido esta etapa en un cierto olvido o descuido por parte de historiadores y críticos. Así, este trabajo se estructura alrededor del papel que ocupa el texto venturiano, sin ser éste su único protagonista. Tomado más bien como excusa, la tesis va profundizando de manera deductiva en el conjunto de circunstancias que pudieron llevar a su autor hacia las conclusiones que desarrolló, detectando los ambientes biográficos y formativos, pensamientos compartidos e influencias epistemológicas y profesionales mutuas, que justificarían una novedosa interpretación de dicho texto como el corolario necesario de un panorama de crisis y cambios - éste sí protagonista en este trabajo-, al contrario de cómo habitualmente se ha venido entendiendo dicha obra. La investigación se centra predominantemente en el rastreo de las fuentes citadas por el propio Venturi en su libro, así como de los textos de mayor difusión (generalmente revistas profesionales no exclusivamente académicas, además de libros, catálogos de exposiciones, actas de simposios…), y no tanto en las obras construidas o proyectadas; sí, quizás, en los términos en los que dichas obras fueron publicadas, comentadas o reseñadas. Así, se ha adoptado una aproximación concebida sub specie bibliotecae, donde se han aplicado unos métodos de trabajo caracterizados por su componente cronológica, y, después, analítico-comparativa: dicho de otro modo, un método historiográfico-periodístico capaz de relacionar las historias o cursos de ciertas ideas o nociones, dentro de un contexto general más amplio en sus derivadas arquitectónicas, estéticas, socio-generacionales, culturales, filosóficas, científicas, políticas, literarias… Con ello, se pretende establecer una relectura del primer libro de Venturi y sus años de gestación desde unas nuevas concepciones, más modernas que postmodern(ist)as, proponiendo una posible evolución en la arquitectura más reciente cuyas raíces, a fin de cuentas, tendrían su origen en la Norteamérica de 1946 a 1966. ABSTRACT Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture has proved to be one of the capital, alluded references cited and reproduced in the architectural literature of the recent times. Not surprisingly, in the Introduction to the book, Vincent Scully wrote that "yet it is probably the most important writing on the making of architecture since Le Corbusier´s ‘Vers une Architecture’, of 1923". However, its sources seem to be unexplored or at least not examined. Therefore, Road to 1966 is presented as a research with three fundamental starting objectives: (1) first, the interest in studying the burning architectural debate, created within the arising frictions among the protagonists of the years that changed the status of what was considered a legitimate work in architecture; (2) second, it seeks to extend the chronology of the intellectual background of the book written by Venturi, which marked the second half of the twentieth century, in a retroactive manner to the years of the World War II, when it seems that some new positions from which to approach the issues of practice, theory and history of architecture began to be consistent and recognizable; (3) lastly, to offer a new interpretation of Venturi’s text, now understood not as the primal source of the great transformations of the recent architecture (of the last fifty years), but as the necessary result of that background intellectual chronology. The American architecture of these post-war years has proved to be crucial in its later stages, and especially in relation to the book of Robert Venturi. In fact, Scully in the Introduction to the first edition of Complexity and Contradiction, noted that "the major argument of this book was laid out in the late fifties". The fact that the architecture of the twentieth century –when the leading figure of Venturi was consolidated- has in the North America of the sixties one of its most decisive chapters, (often assumed as the next step to the imported European heroic modernism) today seems to be discussed by almost anyone. Now, what about the intervening years? What happens between the end of the World War II and the sixties? The potential lack of a clear dominant position of this stage may have plunged it into oblivion or oversight by historians and critics. Thus, this research is structured around the role that occupies Venturi’s work, whereas this is not its only subject. Rather taken as an excuse, the thesis deepens deductively in the set of circumstances that could lead its author to the conclusions he developed in 1966, detecting biographical and academic environments, shared thoughts and epistemological and mutual professional influences, that would justify a new interpretation of this book as a necessary corollary of an outlook of crisis and change (this major and center subject in this dissertation), contrary to what has been commonly understood upon this work. The research focuses predominantly on tracing the sources cited by Venturi himself in his book, as well as other texts of wider dissemination and outreach (usually professional journals not exclusively academic, as well as books, catalogs of exhibitions, symposia proceedings...), and not so much in the buildings or unbuilt projects; but also, perhaps, it is focused in the terms in which these works were published, commented or reviewed. Hence an approach conceived sub specie bibliotecae has been adopted, with working methods characterized by their chronological component, and then the analytical-comparative one: in other words, a historiographicaljournalistic method able to relate stories or courses of certain ideas or notions, within a broader general context in its architectural, aesthetic, sociological-generational, cultural, philosophical, scientific, political, literary... sides. This approach intends to establish a re-reading of Venturi’s first book and its years of gestation, from some new understandings, more modern than postmodern(ist), proposing a possible evolution of the latest architecture whose roots, after all, would have their origin in the North America of 1946-1966.

The influence of political, economic and passenger market factors on international civil aviation

Civil aviation plays an essential role in maintaining international communications. Many extraneous factors influence the daily operations of the air transport industry. This thesis begins by investigating the major categories of so­ called "external interests" in civil aviation. These are shown to have played a significant part in ensuring the need for international agreement over the adoption of regulating principles. The combination and interaction of the various influences has produced a particular type of regulatory environment in which all commercial air services have to operate. The need for such regulation and the extreme difficulty experienced in trying to define universally acceptable methods of supervision is discussed. It is shown how opportunity for the development of on-scheduled air services was created by default on the part of the European Governments.The concept of so-called "scheduled" and "non-scheduled" sectors" is considered and it is suggested that growth of the inclusive tour industry resulted from inappropriate categorisation of the air services involved. The means by which development opportunities were created for inclusive tour operations is considered and the work then investigates the importance of British air transport policy in their exploitation. The politics of British civil aviation in the post-war years is the subject of detailed examination and the process by which Independent airlines were encouraged to develop inclusive tours, is identified. This theme is expanded to demonstrate the vital contribution of British air transport policy in the restructuring of the international industry. The subsequent involvement of the United States is shown to have been directed specifically towards the satisfaction of domestic issues. British objectives, however, are considered to have been more generally concerned with improving the tariff structure. The unique opportunities for British experimentation with international fares are seen to have major influence in forcing the pace of tariff rationalisation.

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

An enigma still: Poujadism fifty years on

Few names resonate more loudly from the French Fourth Republic than that of Pierre Poujade, and few terms exude such a sulfurous odour as le poujadisme. Between 1953 and 1958, the Poujadists secured their place in modern French history, winning 52 seats in the National Assembly and inscribing a lasting entry in the lexicon of political protest. Taking as its starting point the fiftieth anniversary of Poujade’s movement held in its birthplace of Saint-Céré in July 2003, this article reassesses Poujadism fifty years on from its heyday. It considers Poujadism as the first important anti-globalisation movement in post-war France, a locus for the conflict between ‘stalemate’ traditionalism and socio-economic modernisation. It examines the trajectory of the Poujadists from anti-tax movement to political party, arguing the difficulty of defining Poujadism in classic political terms. In particular, the article takes issue with the perception of Poujadism as an extreme-right ideology and interprets it instead as a form of populist protest lacking a solid doctrinal core and opportunistic in its exploitation of political issues and allies. As such, it is argued, Poujadism represents a complex synthesis of both right-wing and left-wing values and discourses, as impervious to definition today as it was fifty years ago. The article considers the brief alliance of convenience between Poujade and Le Pen, and locates in Le Pen’s early Poujadist experience some of the methods and even some of the arguments used by the FN today. It concludes by discussing Poujade’s political activities after 1958, tracing his long-term conversion from violent opposition to the State under the Fourth Republic to co-operation under the Fifth. The author draws here on correspondence with Pierre Poujade up until his death in August 2003.

The Spanish Civil War in the twenty -first century peninsular narrative: Narrative endeavors towards a national reconciliation?

This dissertation analyzes six twenty-first century novels that reflect Spain's current intellectual trends on the Spanish Civil War, Francoism and the transition to a democratic system. These novels deal with the complex correlation between memory and amnesia caused by the traumatic events of the Civil War. Despite the abundance of literature on this topic, these writers insist on the need for the recovery of historical and collective memory in order to halt the negative historical revisionism of recent years. Beginning with the death of Francisco Franco, this work focuses on the historical-theoretical framework that leads to the development of this mnemonic narrative and outlines the politics of memory effectuated during the transitional period, a lieu de mémoire frequently revisited and examined by new generations of writers. The novels analyzed also call for the retelling of history from the perspective of everyday people and address the need to pay overdue homage to victims of the post-war era.^ This work concludes that, while the texts may be considered settings for posthumous tributes, they could likewise advocate for a national reconciliation. Thus, as this narrative reveals, by focusing more on the need for a work on memory than on political and ideological polarizations, the memory of restitution does not interfere with the memory of reconciliation. The writers in question are nonetheless aware that reconciliation cannot be based on a spurious amnesia. The first step, therefore, towards reconciliation is to achieve a legitimate dialogue with regard to the traumatic past, and literary works may offer a tenable path. ^

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

Da sobrevivência física à sobrevivência mental : aspectos do funcionamento psíquico em ex-combatentes da guerra colonial portuguesa

Tese de Doutoramento apresentada ao ISPA - Instituto Universitário

A luta de classes em Portugal (1919:1926) : a esquerda republicana e o bloco radical

Com o presente trabalho estudamos a Primeira República do pós-guerra (1919-1926), procurando compreender o sentido histórico desses anos atribulados, caracterizados por uma permanente instabilidade governativa e pelo desassossego dos agentes sociais. Defendemos existir uma explicação que torna os últimos anos do regime republicano, aparentemente caóticos, compreensíveis: à semelhança de outros países europeus, a especificidade dos anos 20 portugueses reside num fenómeno de polarização política da sociedade, na mobilização e organização de forças mediante os quadrantes da esquerda e da direita modernas. Concretamente, o nosso objecto de estudo consiste na esquerda republicana, um campo que se autonomizou dentro do republicanismo durante o pós-guerra, e no bloco radical, conceito analítico sob o qual englobamos manifestações heteróclitas (partidárias, armadas, intelectuais, unitárias) do fenómeno de polarização política à esquerda.

Análise do ciclo de vida usando Lourenço modelo: caso da cidade de Damasco (1960-2015)

Dissertação de mestrado Internacional em Ambiente Construído Sustentável

Were Spanish migrants attracted by industrial agglomerations?: an analysis for the interwar years in the light of the new economic geography

In this paper we examine whether access to markets had a significant influence onmigration choices of Spanish internal migrants in the inter-war years. We perform astructural contrast of a New Economic Geography model that focus on the forwardlinkage that links workers location choice with the geography of industrial production,one of the centripetal forces that drive agglomeration in the NEG models. The resultshighlight the presence of this forward linkage in the Spanish economy of the inter-warperiod. That is, we prove the existence of a direct relation between workers¿ localizationdecisions and the market potential of the host regions. In addition, the direct estimationof the values associated with key parameters in the NEG model allows us to simulatethe migratory flows derived from different scenarios of the relative size of regions andthe distances between them. We show that in Spain the power of attraction of theagglomerations grew as they increased in size, but the high elasticity estimated for themigration costs reduced the intensity of the migratory flows. This could help to explainthe apparently low intensity of internal migrations in Spain until its upsurge during the1920s. This also explains the geography of migrations in Spain during this period,which hardly affected the regions furthest from the large industrial agglomerations (i.e.,regions such as Andalusia, Estremadura and Castile-La Mancha) but had an intenseeffect on the provinces nearest to the principal centres of industrial development.