The log cabin minstrel : or, Tippecanoe songster : containing a selection of songs, original and selected many of them written expressly for this work /

Without music.

Radar set, semitrailer mounted, AN/MPQ-53 : operator's manual.

Includes index.

Organizational maintenance manual : engagement control station, guided missile, truck mounted, AN/MSQ-104.

Includes index.

Organizational maintenance manual : communications relay group, guided missile system, truck mounted, AN/MRC-137.

Includes index.

A sketch of the ecclesiastical history of Ipswich : the substance of a discourse, in two parts, delivered in that town, December 1820 /

Mode of access: Internet.

Bibliothek der deutschen aufklärer des achtzehnten jahrhunderts.

I. Carl Friedrich Bahrdt. 1846.--II. Johann August Eberhard's Neue apologie des Socrates. 1846.--III. Johann Heinrich Schulz. 1846.--IV. Voglers, Superintendenten zu Bayreuth, Evangelist Johannes vor dem jüngsten gericht. 1846.--V. Dippel gegen symbolzwang und orthodoxie, Edelmann über Dippel. - v. Knoblauch gegen den glauben an uebernatürliches. -Gründlicher beweis der existenz und wirkung des teufels. -Andreas Riem über aufklärung und gewissensfreiheit. -Ein patriot gegen aufklärung. -Lavater und Semler als poeten. Nebst einer einleitenden Geschichte des Lutherthums in sechszehnten und siebzehnten jahrhundert. 1847.

Entre el terror y la solidaridad : La influencia de la revolución haitiana en las independencias de Venezuela y Nueva Granada (1804-1825)

En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.

A fogyasztói etnocentrizmus új koncepcionális modelljének kialakítása és verifikálása = Forming and verification of a new conceptual model of the customer ethnocentrism

A szerzők cikke az etnocentrikus érzelmek hatását mutatja be a hazai és a külföldi termékek megítélésére. Empirikus kutatásaikra és regressziós modelljeikre támaszkodva felvázolják azt a hatásmechanizmust, amely a szakirodalomba a fogyasztói etnocentrizmus néven vonult be. Megállapítják, hogy másképp hatnak a patrióta és a nacionalista érzelmek a hazai és a külföldi termékek iránti attitűdökre. Míg a hazai termékeknél egy karakterisztikus, többdimenziós kép tárul elénk, addig a cseh, kanadai és német termékek megítéléséből általánosított, külföldi termékek esetében csak a termékkel való azonosulást tudták kiemelni. A megkérdezettek demográfiai jellemzői közül egyedül a férfiak mutattak statisztikailag azonos irányú és erősségű kapcsolatot a hazai és a külföldi termékek megítélésénél. _______________________ The authors’ article presents effects of the ethnocentric emotion of the appreciation of the domestic and foreign goods. Based on their empirical and regressive models they feature that effectmechanism, which is named consumer ethnocentrism in the special literature. They set that the patriot and the nationalist emotions acting differently on attitudes of the domestic and the foreign goods.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post -9/11 security context: Conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001–present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post-9/11 security context : conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001-present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Primary data sets of the hydrographic atlas of the Southern Ocean

The general knowledge of the hydrographic structure of the Southern Ocean is still rather incomplete since observations particularly in the ice covered regions are cumbersome to be carried out. But we know from the available information that thermohaline processes have large amplitudes and cover a wide range of scales in this part of the world ocean. The modification of water masses around Antarctica have indeed a worldwide impact, these processes ultimately determine the cold state of the present climate in the world ocean. We have converted efforts of the German and Russian polar research institutions to collect and validate the presently available temperature, salinity and oxygen data of the ocean south of 30°S latitude. We have carried out this work in spite of the fact that the hydrographic programme of the World Ocean Circulation Experiment (WOCE) will provide more new information in due time, but its contribution to the high latitudes of the Southern Ocean is quite sparse. The modified picture of the hydrographic structure of the Southern Ocean presented in this atlas may serve the oceanographic community in many ways and help to unravel the role of this ocean in the global climate system. This atlas could only be prepared with the altruistic assistance of many colleagues from various institutions worldwide who have provided us with their data and their advice. Their generous help is gratefully acknowledged. During two years scientists from the Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute in St. Petersburg and the Alfred Wegener Institute for Polar and Marine Research in Bremerhaven have cooperated in a fruitful way to establish the atlas and the archive of about 38749 validated hydrographic stations. We hope that both sources of information will be widely applied for future ocean studies and will serve as a reference state for global change considerations.

Frederick Douglass and Ireland, 1845: The "Vertiginous Twist[s]" of an Irish Encounter

Frederick Douglas was a reader of and writer on the nineteenth-century political and social texts and contexts of oppression, which he experienced at home and witnesed while in Ireland and Britain, 1845-47. This thesis is unique in its identification of several surprising lacunae in the research and critical evaluation of Frederick Douglass’ activities of reading and writing and the texts and contexts that supported these activities. This thesis takes Douglass’ relationship with Ireland and the Irish as its starting point, and offers several moments in the transnational space engendered by Douglass’ readerly and writerly experience of the transatlantic axes of Ireland, Britain and America. This thesis draws upon archival research to recover information regarding Douglass’ trip and subjects his reading and writing on Ireland and the Irish to the critical rigours of narratolgical, cultural and discourse analysis. One lacuna is Douglass’ favourite and neglected school primer, the Columbian Orator, which Douglass signified upon across his autobiographical project. The speech by the Irish patriot and exile, Arthur O’Connor, included in the Orator, is crucial to Douglass’ understanding and expression of justice and equality. Genette’s narratological analysis gives theoretical traction to the ways in which, in his autobiographical representations of his British trip, Douglass recalibrates his autobiographies to reflect his changing perspectives on his life and work. Contrary to popular assumptions, Douglass did, in two letters to Garrison address and comment on Irish poverty. This thesis interrogates the strategic anglophilia of these letters. While the World’s Temperance Convention (WTC) refused to discuss African- American slavery, analysis of Douglass’ speech in Covent Garden and of the paratextual apparatus of the published proceedings of the WTC demonstrates the impossibility of separating these closely interrelated reform causes. When a newly discovered poem from Waterford that admonished the city for its disregard for Douglass’ message is juxtaposed with an uncomfortable moment in Cork, we understand that Douglass became a pawn to bolster sectarian rivalries between nationalist and establishment factions. Though Douglass believed imperial politics was the best vehicle for modernity, he recognised that it had failed Ireland: consequently, in Thoughts and Recollections of a Trip to Ireland (1886), he advocates for Home Rule for Ireland.

Return Migration in the Ecuadorian and Bolivian population: motivations, strategies and discourses

This article analyses the motivations for return migration among the Ecuadorians and Bolivians who, after living in Spain, returned to their countries of origin during the economic crisis that started in 2008. From the analysis of 22 interviews in-depth which took place in Ecuador and 38 in Bolivia to women, men and young people from migrant families, this decision-making process is shown to be embedded into a gendered dynamics of relationships. Particular detail is given to affective and economic elements that had an influence on the decision to return, as well as to the strategies deployed to project their readjustment back in origin. Males and females occupy differential positions within the family, work and social circle, their expectations being built in a gendered manner. Despite the fact migration has brought women greater economic power within the family group, their reintegration upon return redefines their role as main managers in the household and the dynamics that allow their social reproduction. Men, for their part, aspire to refresh their role as providers in spite of their frail labour position upon return. Social mobility for females is passed on through generations by a strong investment on education for their daughters and sons, while for males this mobility revolves around setting up family businesses and around their demonstrative abilities.

The History of Arsaces, Prince of Betlis

Recounting the eventful travels of Selim, an intrepid young Arab who runs away from his parental home to learn about the world, The History of Arsaces, Prince of Betlis (1774) by the Co. Limerick-born Charles Johnston (c.1719–c.1800) is an inventive mixture of fictional genres and styles: romance, satire, sentimental narrative and oriental fantasy. The novel appeared at a politically charged moment, on the eve of the American revolutionary war and in the aftermath of the Bengal famine of 1769–70, world events that were linked by the nefarious operations of the ubiquitous East India Company. These momentous occurrences, polarising public opinion and stimulating Irish patriot sympathies in the mid-70s, provide the undercurrent to Johnston’s thoughtful examination of war, commerce, and empire through the lens of a fictional ‘history’. Enclosing a series of tales within tales, Johnston’s oriental romance offers its readers a remarkable concoction of Gulliver-inspired fantasy, political satire and moral reflection, played out within an expansive historical and geographical setting. As the Monthly Review, or, Literary Journal commented on its first appearance in 1774, The History of Arsaces provided ‘striking intimations, of the utmost national importance, with respect to over-grown empire, and colony connexions’.

“Você, Quaresma, é um visionário!”: o conflito entre herói e mundo no romance de Lima Barreto Triste fim de Policarpo Quaresma

O presente trabalho pretende analisar o conflito entre o protagonista do romance de Lima Barreto Triste fim de Policarpo Quaresma e o seu mundo, o mundo que representa ficcionalmente o Rio de Janeiro da Primeira República, tendo como referencial teórico A teoria do romance, de Georg Lukács. Busca-se aplicar ao herói Policarpo Quaresma dois conceitos elaborados nesta obra: o conceito de heroísmo problemático e o conceito de idealismo abstrato. Policarpo Quaresma será entendido, portanto, como um herói problemático, sujeito a um idealismo abstrato que o coloca em descompasso com a realidade concreta em que vive, o que lhe configura, perante as demais personagens do meio que o circunda, a imagem de um “visionário. Como, de acordo com Georg Lukács, o herói problemático, que se encontra em conflito com o seu mundo, surge com o romance na modernidade, este estudo visa ressaltar o caráter moderno da obra ficcional de Lima Barreto, buscando contribuir para sua reinserção no sistema literário brasileiro como obra própria, produção autônoma, para além do epíteto de pré-modernista.