A Zona Franca de Manaus sob a perspectiva do desenvolvimento histórico-econômico da Amazônia brasileira ocidental (2002-2014)

Dada a atual importância ambiental e econômico-política da Amazônia, busca-se analisar e compreender a totalidade da Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM) em relação à Amazônia Ocidental, à Amazônia Brasileira, ao Brasil, aos outros países amazônicos e à Comunidade Internacional, sob os âmbitos histórico-econômico, ambiental, político e social. A escolha da Zona Franca de Manaus como recorte se deve à forma pontual com que este projeto geopolítico se desenvolveu gerando um pólo industrial regional/nacional/internacional e, simultaneamente, evitando a exploração e devastação da floresta amazônica ocidental. A escolha do período de 2002 a 2014 se dá em função da necessidade de um maior aprofundamento de análise somada ao fato de que a República Federativa do Brasil se encontra - neste período - sob a mesma linha diretiva política, evidenciando assim a necessidade de pesquisar o que tem sido feito na ZFM pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Roussef (2011-2018). Os dados têm mostrado que a ZFM busca estar em consonância com o Governo Federal à medida que esta tem investido em instituições locais de ciência, tecnologia e inovação (como por exemplo o Centro de Biotecnologia da Amazônia - CBA), buscando internacionalizar a indústria local, assim como interiorizar o desenvolvimento para a região

Entrando na partida: a formulação de políticas de comunicação e cultura para jogos digitais no Brasil entre 2003 e 2014

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

A face neodesenvolvimentista do Estado brasileiro: o falseamento da "questão social"

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Os "doutores" da federação: formação acadêmica dos senadores brasileiros e variáveis associadas

Fazemos uma descrição detalhada da formação acadêmica dos senadores brasileiros no período de 1987 a 2006, buscando identificar padrões "cross section" e ao longo do tempo. Procuramos também avaliar se as formações estão relacionadas à região de origem, à filiação partidária, à participação nas comissões, à experiência parlamentar e ao comportamento em votações nominais no plenário do Senado. Verificamos que há um predomínio de senadores formados em Direito, mas a sua proporção vem caindo ao longo do tempo. Outros grupos importantes foram os dos engenheiros, dos profissionais da saúde e da área de Humanidades. Destacamos o papel dos senadores formados em Economia, que se concentraram na região Sudeste, nos partidos com vocação presidencial - Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e no Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) - e na Comissão de Assuntos Econômicos. Os economistas parecem ter desempenhado um papel importante, em um momento de crises econômicas internas e externas, de inflação galopante e de uma agenda que privilegiava ajustes fiscais, reformas, privatizações e estabilidade macroeconômica.

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

Em busca do tempo partido: a consciência histórica e o MST

The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant

Evangelizar e politizar :O sentido da atuação da Igreja Católica com os sindicatos dos trabalhadores rurais no Seridó potiguar (1964-1979)

The purpose of this work is to analyze the influence of the Catholic Church on rural worker s union in the Seridó potiguar region between 1964 to 1979. To the work developed by the Church is connected the beginning of worker s union in the Seridó region. In this way, this research tries to understand what is also the politic direction of the labor s union by means of the Cathólic Church that througt a process of creating Leagues have been looking for reinforcing and protecting catholicism as a way of maintaining its believers and distancing them from others movements such as Peasant League and the influence of Brazilian Communist Party. We use as sources oral narratives and newspaper A Folha , wich was published by the Parish Church of Caicó (RN) between 1954 to 1967. Some wrintten documents produced by worker s union from the Seridó region were also used

Astrojildo Pereira e a formação do Partido Comunista Brasileiro

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Movimento dos trabalhadores sem terra: observações sobre a reforma intelectual e moral gramsciana

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais e a formação das esquerdas culturais na década de 1960

The Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais (CTI) was a group, a space of organization and representation of brazilian intellectuals and artists and that, previous to the military coup in 1964, participated of the debates and fomented the inclusion of sectors of the national intelligentzia in the democratization’s process of the culture. His insertion politics, of the point of view of the effervecence lived for the organized socials movements in Brazil in the years of João Goulart’s government, bring elements to detail the dynamics of the cultural left’s organizations that had emerged of the review’s process of Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), since 1958. The relevance of CTI is confirmed when understand it like an organization that congregated many intellectuals and artists that, after of the military coup in 1964, had been presents in the artistic and cultural brazilian scene, doing resistance to the military governments that if had occurred in the next decades.

Efecto de las frecuencias de pastoreo sobre un pastizal natural con presencia de Lotus tenuis en el partido de Olavarría, provincia de Buenos Aires

Resumen: La Pampa deprimida bonaerense está considerada la zona de cría más importante del país; el 85% de su superficie está cubierta por pastizales naturales, siendo éstos la principal fuente de alimento para la ganadería local. La productividad del pastizal natural, puede ser mejorada aplicando tecnología de procesos, al utilizar pastoreos en forma rotacional, en lugar del usual pastoreo continuo. El objetivo del presente trabajo, es evaluar el efecto en la producción bruta de materia seca del pastizal natural en un ambiente de un bajo dulce, en donde Lolium multiflorum y Lotus tenuis constituyen especies indicadoras, y cuya frecuencia en el tapiz vegetal es alta. Este ensayo se realizó en el establecimiento “El Fortín” ubicado en la Estación Pourtalé (Partido de Olavarría), durante un año, desde Mayo del 2014 hasta Mayo del 2015. Se utilizó un diseño experimental de bloques completamentes aleatorizados (DCBA), con dos tratamientos: frecuencia de 45 días y frecuencia de 90 días. Aleatorizados en tres bloques que corresponden al número de parcelas existentes dentro del potrero. Se realizaron en total 11 muestreos midiendo la producción de materia seca, siendo esta la variable en estudio. El análisis estadístico se realizó mediante un análisis de varianza, utilizando como software el programa Infostat. Los resultados sobre la producción en promedio, sostienen que existen diferencias significativas entre ambos tratamientos: de 45 días y de 90 días. La materia seca acumulada y anualizada, fue de 3306,7kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 45 días y de 3190,0 kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 90 días, entre pastoreos sucesivos. Mientras que la producción promedio acumulada entre cortes para cada tratamiento fue de 472,4kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 45 días y de 797,5 kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 90 días.

Respuesta a la fertilización fosforada en campo natural con presencia de Lotus tenuis en el partido de Olavarría, Cuenca del Salado, provincia de Buenos Aires

Resumen: La pampa deprimida bonaerense (región denominada Cuenca del Salado) es considerada la zona de cría más importante del país y su principal recurso forrajero son los pastizales naturales. Allí se encuentra Lotus tenuis como especie herbácea naturalizada y muy valorada por su aporte a la oferta forrajera de los sistemas ganaderos de la región. En condiciones de campos naturales en bajos dulces (con horizonte superficial de pH cercano a la neutralidad) el agregado de fósforo mediante la fertilización incrementaría la presencia de leguminosas, mejorando la receptividad y calidad de los forrajes y por ende, la producción de carne. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue evaluar la respuesta del pastizal natural, medida como producción de materia seca, utilizando distintas dosis de fertilización fosforada (NPK 5-40-0). Se realizó un ensayo en un establecimiento ubicado en las cercanías de la ciudad de Olavarría, en el paraje rural Pourtalé, Provincia de Buenos Aires, utilizando un diseño de bloques al azar con tres repeticiones. Los tratamientos fueron 0, 50 y 120 kg.ha-1 realizándose cinco muestreos luego de la fertilización en el transcurso de un año, en los cuales se determinó la producción de materia seca como estimación de la disponibilidad forrajera. La producción acumulada promedio para el tratamiento con 0kg.ha-1 fue de 2793kgMS.ha-1, con 50kg.ha-1 fue de 5159 kgMS.ha-1 y con 120kg.ha-1 fue de 7206 kgMS.ha-1. Para analizar estadísticamente los resultados, se realizó un análisis de varianza mediante un software estadístico (Infostat), donde se pudo observar diferencias significativas entre el testigo y el tratamiento con 120kg ha-1 (p-valor<0,05).

De la rama al partido : leyes, militancias y liderazgos entre 1948-1949

Resumen: Este artículo procura dar cuenta del escenario legal y político abierto con la sanción de la ley de Derechos Políticos de la Mujer en 1947. Entre ellos, los mecanismos que el estado solventó con el empadronamiento de las mujeres y la confección de los documentos de identidad; la sanción de la normativa acorde al voto femenino en las provincias a fin de no desvirtuar el espíritu de ley nacional; y la ley de Estatutos de Partidos Políticos. Los aspectos políticos revelaban los cambios y reacomodamientos de la rama femenina que integraban los centros cívicos partidarios; la aparición en escena y el juego político que emprendieron algunas primeras damas provinciales. Todos estos temas son analizados a la luz de la incesante metamorfosis que adquiría Eva Perón, que troca de primera dama a líder popular.

La crisis sucesoria en las postrimerías del reinado de Alfonso VI de León y Castilla : el partido Borgoñón

Resumen: Abordamos en este trabajo algunas cuestiones referentes al problema sucesorio durante el reinado de Alfonso VI, y en concreto a la grave crisis planteada en 1103, cuando el rey, que carecía de descendencia masculina legítima, optó por su único hijo varón, habido de la princesa musulmana Zaida, como heredero. Entonces se vieron truncadas las expectativas de Raimundo de Borgoña, casado con la primogénita legítima del monarca, y, aunque en menor medida, las de Enrique de Borgoña, esposo de doña Teresa, otra hija del rey, así como en cierto modo las del abad Hugo de Cluny. Una particular atención hemos dedicado al análisis de la actitud de la alta nobleza en relación con tan conflictivo asunto, y en este sentido, creemos haber demostrado que Pedro Ansúrez encabezó al sector nobiliario contrario a las previsiones sucesorias de Alfonso VI.