940 resultados para Official Development Assistance


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Turner-Fairbank Highway Research Center, McLean, Va.

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"ED/OPP93-43"--P. [C-7] (v. 1).

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"The work that provided the basis for this publication was supported by funding under an award with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The substance and findings of the work are dedicated to the public. The author and publisher are soley responsible for the accuracy of the statements and interpretations contained in this publication. Such interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views of the Government."

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Paridades de poder adquisitivo para América Latina y el Caribe, 2005-2013: métodos y resultados / Hernán Epstein y Salvador Marconi .-- Asistencia oficial para el desarrollo, capital social y crecimiento en América Latina / Isabel Neira, Maricruz Lacalle-Calderón y Marta Portela .-- Perú, 2002-2012: crecimiento, cambio estructural y formalización / Juan Chacaltana .-- Descentralización fiscal y crecimiento económico en Colombia: evidencia de datos de panel a nivel regional / Ignacio Lozano y Juan Manuel Julio .-- Efecto de las TIC en el rendimiento educativo: el Programa Conectar Igualdad en la Argentina / María Verónica Alderete y María Marta Formichella .-- Brasil: dinámica de la industria de bienes de capital en el ciclo de expansivo 2003-2008 y tras la crisis mundial / Guilherme Riccioppo Magacho .-- Segregación socioeconómica escolar en Chile: elección de la escuela por los padres y un análisis contrafactual teórico / Humberto Santos y Gregory Elacqua .-- Desigualdad de ingresos en Costa Rica a la luz de las Encuestas Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos de los Hogares 2004 y 2013 / Andrés Fernández Aráuz .-- Contenido de trabajo en las exportaciones manufactureras mexicanas, 2008 y 2012 / Gerardo Fujii G., Rosario Cervantes M. y Ana Sofía Fabián R. .-- La terciarización en Chile. Desigualdad cultural y estructura ocupacional / Modesto Gayo, María Luisa Méndez y Berta Teitelboim.

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En este trabajo se examina la relación entre la asistencia oficial para el desarrollo (AOD), el capital social y el crecimiento económico en América Latina, con miras a determinar si el efecto de dicha asistencia en el crecimiento depende de las reservas de capital social del país receptor. Con ese objetivo se utiliza la “confianza” para medir el capital social en un panel incompleto de 18 países latinoamericanos en el período 2001-2010. Después de explicar los efectos relativos al país y al tiempo en un modelo de datos de panel dinámico, los resultados permiten ver que el efecto de la AOD en el crecimiento depende, de hecho, del nivel de confianza que existe. Esto sugiere que esa asistencia será más eficaz cuando se utilice en un ambiente donde dicho nivel sea elevado.

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Although considerable attention has been given to ethical issues related to clinical research in developing countries, in particular related to HIV therapy, there has been limited focus on health systems research, despite its increasing importance in the light of current trends in development assistance. This paper examines ethical issues related to health systems research in 'post'-conflict situations, addressing both generic issues for developing countries and those issues specific to 'post'-conflict societies, citing examples from the author's Cambodian experience. It argues that the destruction of health infrastructure results in a loss of structures and processes that would otherwise protect prospective research subjects who are part of vulnerable populations. It identifies the growth of health systems research as part of a trend towards sectoral and programmatic development assistance, the emergence of 'knowledge generation' as a form of research linked to development, and the potential for conflict where multilateral and bilateral donors are both primary funders and users of health systems research. It also examines the position of the health system researcher in relation to the sponsors of this research, and the health system being analysed.

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When comparisons in terms of industrial policy lessons to be learned have taken place, it has tended to be solely vis-a-vis the ‘development state’ East Asian experience. This paper broadens the analysis and considers lessons which African countries can learn from other so-called ‘tiger’ economies including Ireland and the East and South Asian countries. We recognise that the latter are indeed clearly significant as many African countries at the time of independence had economic structures and levels of income quite similar to East Asian countries, yet have grown at vastly different rates since then. Exploring why this has been the case can thus offer important insights into possibilities for industrial policy. Yet this comes with some health warnings over East Asian experience. We suggest that another important contribution can come by looking at the Irish example, given its emphasis on corporatism rather than simply relying on state direction in the operation of industrial policy. The Irish model is also more democratic in some senses and has protected workers’ rights during the development process in contrast to the often highly dirigisite East Asian model. Overall we suggest that some immediate actions are needed, notably with regard to the financial system in small African economies. Without such changes, a poorly functioning financial system will continue to keep investment at low levels. In relation to the small size of the African economies, the paper recommends regional integration and sufficient overseas development assistance (ODA) for infrastructural development. It is also critical to note that the various small African economies each face their own industrial and economic development challenges, and that a ‘one size fits all’ approach is not appropriate; rather the key is to tailor policies and systems to the unique opportunities and development challenges in each African country.

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The accession of the East-Central European (ECE) countries carried a promise of enhancing and enriching the EU’s Eastern policy. The new member states had the strongest interests among EU member states to ensure that countries in the East are prosperous, stable and democratic. Yet, EU’s Eastern policy has been largely criticised for its ineffectiveness. So why have they not been able to address the shortcomings in the EU’s Eastern policies? The article argues that the ECE countries supported the way the EU’s Eastern policies were conceived and implemented because they saw it as a potent vehicle to promote their own transition experience not only in the region but also within the EU. We argue that the ECE states have experienced three types of challenges when promoting their transition experience. First, uploading to the EU level remained largely at a rhetorical level. Second, there are conceptual and practical difficulties in defining what constitutes transition experience and harnessing it, as well as coordinating its transfer between the ECE states. Finally, while using transition experience as the basis for their development assistance strategies, the ECE countries actually insufficiently conceptualised the ‘development’ aspect in these policies. Being so driven by their own experience, they have not drawn the lessons from enlargement to use in a non-accession context, especially by incorporating the broader lessons with regard to development.

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Despite its founding by Hugo Chávez on the heels of the failed Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) negotiations which took place November 2003, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA, as it is known for its Spanish acronym) has evolved into a political tool that uses “social power” to facilitate Venezuela‟s positioning as the leader of the anti-U.S. agenda in the region. Fostering political favors and goodwill through the financing of social development projects, ALBA has created a political environment whereby countries on the take and their respective leaders seem deterred from taking public opposing viewpoints to Chávez. To that end, it has provided billions in economic aid to several nations in Latin American and the Caribbean, winning their favor and support for its policies. To date, ALBA counts on eight member nations. Besides Venezuela, it includes Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. It also has several observer nations, among them, Grenada, Haiti, Paraguay, Uruguay, and a non-Latin American country, Syria. Throughout its recent history Venezuela has used its oil wealth to pursue political capital. Under the Chávez government it is doing so as part of a strategic effort countering the U.S. Following Cuba‟s demise in the region as the anti-American socialist camp leader, Chávez is attempting to step into Cuba‟s shoes, picking up where Cuba left off over a decade ago and has used the ALBA as a mechanism to help promote his foreign policy. Relying on its own resources, not those of the Soviet Union as Cuba once did, Venezuela has already shown its influence in the international arena, challenging U.S. positions at the Organization of American States (OAS), the United Nations, and even in matters having little if nothing to do with the region, such as Iran‟s nuclear proliferation. Taking advantage of Venezuela‟s oil prices bonanza, Chávez has been spreading economic aid throughout the region, funding several development projects. From stepping in to buy Bolivia‟s soy beans when the U.S. ceased doing so, to helping finance and construct an airport in Dominica, Venezuela‟s ALBA has provided assistance to many states in the region. As in the past, Venezuela has invested significantly both in time and money in the Caribbean, providing development assistance and oil at a discount to Haiti, St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Dominican Republic, although the latter two are neither member nor observer states of ALBA. The aid Chávez has been spreading around may be coming at a cost. It seems it has begun to cause cracks within the CARICOM community, where ALBA already counts on six of its 15 members, leading experts and leaders in the region to question traditional alliances to each other and the U.S. Yet, ALBA‟s ability to influence through aid is dependent on the Venezuelan economy. Its success hinges on continued Venezuelan oil sales at stable prices and the ability of Chávez to remain in power.

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This master's thesis aims to analyze the activity of the operators in a control room of the processes of production on-shore petroleum, with a focus on sociotechnical restrictions that interfere in the decision-making process and the actions of operators and therefore, the strategies (individual and collective) to regulate and maintain the operator action required and the safety of the system, together. The activity in focus involves the supervision and control of the production of thousands of barrels of oil/day in a complex and dispersed production’s structures built in an extension of 80 km. This operational framework highlights the importance of this activity for the fulfilment of the targets local and corporate efficiency, good management of the environment, health and safety of operators. This is an exploratory research and in the field, which uses the methodology of Ergonomic Analysis of the Work, composed of observational techniques and interactional, having as locus control room of the processes of production on-shore oil of an oil company. The population of this research is formed by operators in the control room of an Brazilian oil company. The results showed that the supervisory activity and control of the superheated steam injection is an complex context, demands greater attention, concentration, calculations, comparisons, trend analysis and decision making. The activity is collectively constructed between the control room operator, field operator and the supplier of steam. The research showed that the processes of communication and collaboration between the control room , fields and support staff are the key elements of this activity. The study shows that the operators have the autonomy and the elements necessary for work; and that there is continuous investments to improve the technology used and that the operators report sleep disturbances as a result of chronic exposure to night work. The study contributed with proposals for transformation of this activity: with regard to the installation of a area reserved for food in control room, the update the screens of the supervisory current operating condition, the periodic visits by room operators in the field, standardization of production reports, development assistance and standardization of nomenclature of controlling stations steam systems, to improve the conditions of realization of the activity, improve the quality of products produced by operators and contribute to reduce the possibility of slips or shifts in the activity.

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The paper examines the impact of the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) on the emerging foreign aid policies of the Central and Eastern European (CEEs) countries. The Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia joined the DAC in 2013, and the committee has aimed to socialise them into the norms of the international development system. Generally, however, there is little evidence of impact due to the soft nature of the DAC’s policy recommendations, and the fact that the committee, reacting to the challenges to its legitimacy from non-Western donors, has become much less demanding towards potential members than in the past. The paper, however, argues that one must examine the processes of how the norm and policy recommendations of the DAC are mediated domestically. The case of the Czechepublic’s reforms in its foreign aid policy between 2007 and 2010 shows that domestic actors can use the OECD strategically to build support for their own cause and thus achieve seemingly difficult policy reform.

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Background Timely assessment of the burden of HIV/AIDS is essential for policy setting and programme evaluation. In this report from the Global Burden of Disease Study 2015 (GBD 2015), we provide national estimates of levels and trends of HIV/AIDS incidence, prevalence, coverage of antiretroviral therapy (ART), and mortality for 195 countries and territories from 1980 to 2015. Methods For countries without high-quality vital registration data, we estimated prevalence and incidence with data from antenatal care clinics and population-based seroprevalence surveys, and with assumptions by age and sex on initial CD4 distribution at infection, CD4 progression rates (probability of progression from higher to lower CD4 cell-count category), on and off antiretroviral therapy (ART) mortality, and mortality from all other causes. Our estimation strategy links the GBD 2015 assessment of all-cause mortality and estimation of incidence and prevalence so that for each draw from the uncertainty distribution all assumptions used in each step are internally consistent. We estimated incidence, prevalence, and death with GBD versions of the Estimation and Projection Package (EPP) and Spectrum software originally developed by the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). We used an open-source version of EPP and recoded Spectrum for speed, and used updated assumptions from systematic reviews of the literature and GBD demographic data. For countries with high-quality vital registration data, we developed the cohort incidence bias adjustment model to estimate HIV incidence and prevalence largely from the number of deaths caused by HIV recorded in cause-of-death statistics. We corrected these statistics for garbage coding and HIV misclassifi cation. Findings Global HIV incidence reached its peak in 1997, at 3·3 million new infections (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 3·1–3·4 million). Annual incidence has stayed relatively constant at about 2·6 million per year (range 2·5–2·8 million) since 2005, after a period of fast decline between 1997 and 2005. The number of people living with HIV/AIDS has been steadily increasing and reached 38·8 million (95% UI 37·6–40·4 million) in 2015. At the same time, HIV/AIDS mortality has been declining at a steady pace, from a peak of 1·8 million deaths (95% UI 1·7–1·9 million) in 2005, to 1·2 million deaths (1·1–1·3 million) in 2015. We recorded substantial heterogeneity in the levels and trends of HIV/AIDS across countries. Although many countries have experienced decreases in HIV/AIDS mortality and in annual new infections, other countries have had slowdowns or increases in rates of change in annual new infections. Interpretation Scale-up of ART and prevention of mother-to-child transmission has been one of the great successes of global health in the past two decades. However, in the past decade, progress in reducing new infections has been slow, development assistance for health devoted to HIV has stagnated, and resources for health in low-income countries have grown slowly. Achievement of the new ambitious goals for HIV enshrined in Sustainable Development Goal 3 and the 90-90-90 UNAIDS targets will be challenging, and will need continued eff orts from governments and international agencies in the next 15 years to end AIDS by 2030.

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Paper presented by Charlotte Sieber-Gasser at the 5th Annual TRAPCA Conference, Arusha (Tanzania), 25-26 November 2010. Despite the increasing volume of trade between China and African countries, not one single conventional free trade agreement (FTA) or economic partnership agreement (EPA) has yet been signed between an African country and China. Initially, Sino-African trade relations were to a very large extent centred on investments secured through bilateral investment agreements (BITs). The more recent Chinese investments on the African continent, however, are more informally based on FDI contracts with the state at the receiving end and a government-owned private company as the investor, or loosely attached to loans commonly known under term ‘the Angola-Model’. This rather unusual basis for economic integration and development assistance, outside the trodden path of free trade agreements and ODA, requires further analysis in order to understand how the current legal framework between China and the African continent impacts economic development and national sovereignty, and what kind of distributive consequences it may have.

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"La seguridad ambiental es un concepto complejo que puede ser analizado desde varios enfoques. La conexión entre degradación ambiental, escasez de recursos, poco desarrollo económico e inestabilidad política puede generar rápidamente conflictos llamados ambientales, terrorismo ecológico y guerras verdes. Sin embargo, en la mayoría de las investigaciones sobre degradación ambiental y conflictos armados no se tienen en cuenta los factores desarrollo económico y régimen político, pues se considera que los problemas ambientales pueden, por sí solos, conducir a situaciones conflictivas nacionales, regionales e internacionales. En este contexto, los propósitos de este artículo son plantear las diferentes tendencias ideológicas de la seguridad ambiental, definir el contenido y las causas de los conflictos ambientales y proponer un marco analítico complementario que incluya las variables políticas y económicas como generadoras de conflictos ambientales y de conflictos armados de alta intensidad. Al final, se propone una agenda de investigación en materia de seguridad ambiental para Colombia."