Consciousness, solidarity and hope as prevention and rehabilitation

This paper grapples with the question of how progressive criminologists might approach working with people who have committed violent or predatory crimes, or are ‘at risk’ of doing so. Progressives have often been uneasy about ‘intervention’ with people who offend: but in the face of the destructiveness of violence, especially in some parts of the world, a posture of simple non-intervention won’t suffice. I suggest three central principles – which I call consciousness, solidarity and hope – that may guide us in developing ways of working with offenders that are both progressive and effective.

Archbishops’ chaplain behind bars at last

The sentencing of a self-confessed child sex offender and senior Brisbane Anglican priest Canon Barry Greaves in Brisbane District Court last Friday (April 24, 2009) is a significant event for many reasons and for many people. It is a significant event because Greaves was a priest at Boonah in the early 1980s when he committed the offences and because knowledge of his own sex offending against children failed to deter him from seeking and gaining high office in the Anglican Church. He accepted the position of being an Archbishop’s chaplain to Brisbane Archbishop Dr Peter Hollingworth in 1999. He stayed on as an Archbishop’s chaplain to the incoming Archbishop Dr Phillip Aspinall in 2002 and not even the disgrace of the sex scandal in the Brisbane Diocese resulted in a glimmer of guilt that maybe he was not an appropriate person to be providing pastoral care to other victims of sexual assault. Families of victims who were referred to Greaves for pastoral care are now flabbergasted by the double betrayal. “I went looking for comfort and now I discover I was confiding in a f***ing pedophile,” one woman said.

Locating the community in restorative justice for young people in Australia

The concept of the community is a key component of restorative justice theory and practice. In restorative justice scholarship, the community is constructed, alongside the victim and offender, as having a crucial role to play in responding to crimes in a restorative way. Indeed, it is often claimed that the perceived need for the community to be involved in responding to crime was a key rationale for the emergence of restorative practices around the world. Taking the emergence of youth justice conferencing – the most commonly-utilised restorative practice in Australia – as a case study, this article argues, however, that the idea of the community was peripheral to the emergence of restorative justice in Australia. The documentary analysis from which this article stems also found that while Indigenous young people are represented as belonging to communities, non-Indigenous young people are not – at least, not beyond their ‘community of care’. As such, this article raises concerns about the disproportionate responsibilisation of Indigenous young people, families and communities.

Effective responses to offenders with intellectual disabilities : generalist and specialist services working together

Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation, many people with intellectual disabilities in developed western countries continue to live in mainstream institutional settings, such as correctional facilities, rather than in the community with support from disability services. This paper reports on the life stories of 10 people with intellectual disabilities, who had been imprisoned in adult correctional facilities in Queensland. The pathways taken by these 10 people into and out of prison are marked by significant abuse, neglect, and poverty. Significant disparity and disconnection is also displayed between the policies and service approaches, particularly between the disability, mental health, and correctional systems in Queensland. Based on these findings, a framework for practice, which spans both generic and specialist services, is suggested.

‘Structuring’ judicial sentencing discretion : consistency, guidance or pandering to the punitive?

Until quite recently, most Australian jurisdictions gave statutory force to the principle of imprisonment as a sanction of last resort, reflecting its status as the most punitive sentencing option open to the court.1 That principle gave primary discretion as to whether incarceration was the most appropriate means of achieving the purpose of a sentence to the sentencing court, which received all of the information relevant to the offence, the offender and any victim(s). The disestablishment of this principle is symptomatic of an increasing erosion of judicial discretion with respect to sentencing, which appears to be resulting in some extremely punitive consequences.

The feasibility, delivery and cost effectiveness of drink driving interventions : a qualitative analysis of professional stakeholders

Many intervention programs have been designed to decrease the rate of drink driving by altering the behavioural characteristics that may lead a person to drink and drive. However, most programs target high risk and repeat offenders. There is very little research on the feasibility and effectiveness of first offender programs. This project is part of a larger program of research that focuses on first time offenders, in order to reduce the rate of subsequent drink driving which may result in a repeat offence. A number of professional stakeholders were approached and interviewed with a view to capturing and reflecting current drink driving related concerns while developing an intervention in the context of Australian drink driving related legislation. The qualitative interviews involved open ended questioning which led to the themes discussed in the analysis. Included in the interviews were senior representatives from the Magistrates Court, Queensland Transport, Probation & Parole, Queensland Corrective Services, Royal Automobile Club Queensland (RACQ), Intraface Consulting (drug & alcohol EAP), Brisbane Police Prosecution Corps, Queensland Police Service and private practice psychology. Issues such as delivery of interventions, feasibility and cost-effectiveness were discussed, as were potential content and design. It was generally agreed that a tailored online intervention imposed as a sentencing option would be the most effective for first time offenders in terms of cost, ease of delivery and feasibility. The development of an online intervention program for first offenders is widely supported by professional stakeholders.

Burglar target selection : a cross-national comparison

Objectives This study builds on research undertaken by Bernasco and Nieuwbeerta and explores the generalizability of a theoretically derived offender target selection model in three cross-national study regions. Methods Taking a discrete spatial choice approach, we estimate the impact of both environment- and offender-level factors on residential burglary placement in the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Combining cleared burglary data from all study regions in a single statistical model, we make statistical comparisons between environments. Results In all three study regions, the likelihood an offender selects an area for burglary is positively influenced by proximity to their home, the proportion of easily accessible targets, and the total number of targets available. Furthermore, in two of the three study regions, juvenile offenders under the legal driving age are significantly more influenced by target proximity than adult offenders. Post hoc tests indicate the magnitudes of these impacts vary significantly between study regions. Conclusions While burglary target selection strategies are consistent with opportunity-based explanations of offending, the impact of environmental context is significant. As such, the approach undertaken in combining observations from multiple study regions may aid criminology scholars in assessing the generalizability of observed findings across multiple environments.

Profiling high-range speeding offenders : investigating criminal history, personal characteristics, traffic offences, and crash history

This paper reports profiling information for speeding offenders and is part of a larger project that assessed the deterrent effects of increased speeding penalties in Queensland, Australia, using a total of 84,456 speeding offences. The speeding offenders were classified into three groups based on the extent and severity of an index offence: once-only low-rang offenders; repeat high-range offenders; and other offenders. The three groups were then compared in terms of personal characteristics, traffic offences, crash history and criminal history. Results revealed a number of significant differences between repeat high-range offenders and those in the other two offender groups. Repeat high-range speeding offenders were more likely to be male, younger, hold a provisional and a motorcycle licence, to have committed a range of previous traffic offences, to have a significantly greater likelihood of crash involvement, and to have been involved in multiple-vehicle crashes than drivers in the other two offender types. Additionally, when a subset of offenders’ criminal histories were examined, results revealed that repeat high-range speeding offenders were also more likely to have committed a previous criminal offence compared to once only low-range and other offenders and that 55.2% of the repeat high-range offenders had a criminal history. They were also significantly more likely to have committed drug offences and offences against order than the once only low-range speeding offenders, and significantly more likely to have committed regulation offences than those in the other offenders group. Overall, the results indicate that speeding offenders are not an homogeneous group and that, therefore, more tailored and innovative sanctions should be considered and evaluated for high-range recidivist speeders because they are a high-risk road user group.

A follow up sample of first time drink driving offenders : how many drink drive post offence?

Background Drink driving remains an important issue to address in terms of health and injury prevention even though research shows that over time there has been a steady decline in drink driving. This has been attributed to the introduction of countermeasures such as random breath testing (RBT), changing community attitudes and norms leading to less acceptance of the behaviour and, to a lesser degree, the implementation of programs designed to deter offenders from engaging in drink driving. Most of the research to date has focused on the hard core offenders - those with high blood alcohol content at the time of arrest, and those who have more than one offence. Aims There has been little research on differences within the first offender population or on factors contributing to second offences. This research aims to fill the gap by reporting on those factors in a sample of offenders. Methods This paper reports on a study that involved interviewing 198 first offenders in court and following up this group 6-8 months post offence. Of these original participants, 101 offenders were able to be followed up, with 88 included in this paper on the basis that they had driven a vehicle since the offence. Results Interestingly, while the rate of reported apprehended second offences was low in that time frame (3%), a surprising number of offenders reported that they had driven under the influence at a much higher rate (27%). That is a large proportion of first offenders were willing to risk the much larger penalties associated with a second offence in order to engage in drink driving. Discussion and conclusions Key characteristics of this follow up group are examined to inform the development of a evidence based brief intervention program that targets first time offenders with the goal of decreasing the rate of repeat drink driving.

Getting away with murder: An examination of detected homicides staged as suicides

Staged crime scenes involve an offender deliberately altering evidence to simulate events to mislead investigators. Despite likely occurring more often than reported in the literature due to success in offender deception, the exact frequency of staged crime scenes is unknown. In an attempt to bridge this gap, a legal database was searched for detected staged scenes. A total of 115 cases were examined, and this study reports on 16 staged suicides that were examined through descriptive analysis. Findings indicate the frequent involvement of firearms, hanging, or asphyxia; and that offenders are usually known to victims, although not necessarily intimately.

Staged homicides: An examination of common features of faked burglaries, suicides, accidents and car accidents

A staged crime scene involves deliberate alteration of evidence by the offender to simulate events that did not occur for the purpose of misleading authorities (Geberth, 2006; Turvey, 2000). This study examined 115 staged homicides from the USA to determine common elements; victim and perpetrator characteristics; and specific features of different types of staged scenes. General characteristics include: multiple victims and offenders; a previous relationship be- tween parties involved; and victims discovered in their own home, often by the offender. Staged scenes were separated by type with staged burglaries, suicides, accidents, and car accidents examined in more detail. Each type of scene displays differently with separate indicators and common features. Features of staged burglaries were: no points of entry/exit staged; non-valuables taken; scene ransacking; offender self- injury; and offenders bringing weapons to the scene. Features of staged suicides included: weapon arrangement and simulating self-injury to the victim; rearranging the body; and removing valuables. Examples of elements of staged accidents were arranging the implement/weapon and re- positioning the deceased; while staged car accidents involved: transporting the body to the vehicle and arranging both; mutilation after death; attempts to secure an alibi; and clean up at the primary crime scene. The results suggest few staging behaviors are used, despite the credibility they may have offered the façade. This is the first peer-reviewed, published study to examine the specific features of these scenes, and is the largest sample studied to date.

Antisocial personality disorder and therapeutic justice court programs

It has become commonplace for courts to supervise an offender as part of the sentencing process. Many of them have Anti Social Personality Disorder (ASPD). The focus of this article is how the work of specialist and/or problem solving courts can be informed by the insights of the psychology profession into the best practice in the treatment and management of people with ASPD. It is a legitimate purpose of legal work to consider and improve the well-being of the participants in the legal process. Programs designed specifically to deal with those with ASPD could be incorporated into existing Drug Courts, or implemented separately by courts to aid with reforming offenders with ASPD and in managing the re-entry of offenders into the community as part of their sentence. For the success of this initiative on the part of the court, ASPD will need to be specifically diagnosed and treated. Close co-operation between courts and psychologists is required to improve the effectiveness of court programs to treat people with ASPD and to evaluate their success.

Staged crime scenes : literature and types

Many things can hamper an investigation. For example, the crime may be a truly random occurrence without links between the victim and the offender, evidence may not be acknowledged or properly collected, and the crime type itself may influence solvability. In other cases still, offenders actively seek to hamper the police investigation in an effort to avoid being caught and going to prison. In fact, the literature on homicide notes that it is not uncommon in many cases of this type for the offender to engage in precautionary acts (Turvey, 2007)...

Investigative relevance

Criminal profiling is one tool available to investigative agencies that may assist in narrowing suspect pools, linking crimes, providing relevant leads and new investigative strategies, and keeping the overall investigation on track (Turvey, 2008). However, like a flashlight in a darkened room, profiling may not always provide valuable assistance if it shines in the wrong direction or fails to shine at all. In a perfect world, profiles are intended to provide investigators with a set of refined characteristics of the offender for a crime or a crime series that will assist their efforts. In contrast, it could be argued that profiles are not intended to provide information that may be irrelevant, unclear, confusing, or distracting to these efforts. Any information provided within the profile that does not assist in narrowing suspect pools or providing new avenues of inquiry is left open to misinterpretation and is therefore potentially damaging (Turvey, 2008). The degree to which information provided in a profile can actually be utilized by investigators to meet their goals is known as investigative relevance...

Behavioral consistency, the homology assumption, and the problems of induction

The ultimate goal of profiling is to identify the major behavioral and personality characteristics to narrow the suspect pool. Inferences about offender characteristics can be accomplished deductively, based on the analysis of discrete offender behaviors established within a particular case. They can also be accomplished inductively, involving prediction based on abstract offender averages from group data (these methods and the logic on which they are based is detailed extensively in Chapters 2 and 4). As discussed, these two approaches are by no means equal.