A culpa é dos professores! Um diagnóstico que engendra uma política neoliberal de formação docente

O presente artigo trata da política de formação de professores que vem sendo implantada no Brasil desde os anos de 1990, com destaque para sua repercussão no Estado de São Paulo. Para tanto, recuperamos o processo de proletarização da profissão docente e a atual culpabilização dos professores pela queda na qualidade do ensino público.

Gestão do ouro azul no contexto globalizado Neoliberal: bem econômico ou bem social?

The neoliberalism based on the Washington Consensus advised privatization as the most effective alternative for the management of natural resources. The question is what is prioritizing efficiency, market or welfare? The growing concern about the water issue has been highlighted in discussions in international policy debates, and what it turns out is the prominence of corporate and economic interests over social and environmental. The water is in crisis, there are several sources of popular conflicts around the world contrary to how this resource is being offered, as the Water War occurred in 2000 in the city of Cochabamba. It is necessary to respect its limitations to ensure their future availability and choose the best development model that favors the effectiveness of their control. The international proliferation of commercial vision concerning water stipulated privatization of their management as ideal rule, which increased rates, concentrated income, has not improved the quality nor promoted the conquest of equal access to water for most systems that provides these services, this is, privatization has not brought positive results that outweigh the harm of its implementation. Water is an essential commodity for life of living beings, in all its stages, basic reason to develop plans, rules and commitments that ensure its conservation and provide, as soon as possible, a valid alternative for the sustainable management in long term

Políticas públicas em educação e o ideário neoliberal e pós-moderno: a ciência geográfica como instrumento crítico de análise da conjuntura contemporânea

Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR

Mecenato no Brasil democrático

This paper analyzes the dynamics of Brazilian cultural policy between 1995 and 2010. Studies related defend the existence of a "contrast" between the results obtained by the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003- 2010), that divide it between a model "neo-liberal" and a "democratic" model of cultural policy. Our main achievement is to produce empirical knowledge that can verify these claims. The build of indicators was guided by the theoretical assumption of the historical new institutionalism, discussed by Pierson (2006), and the observed universe comprises the totality of cultural producers who have submitted projects to “Mecenato”, registered in SALICNET - Ministry of Culture.

O paradigma ambiental na globalização neoliberal: da condição crítica ao protagonismo de mercado

Este trabalho busca circunscrever os elementos que caracterizam o paradigma ambiental a fim de realçar a condição e a função exercida pelo discurso ambiental sob a égide da globalização neoliberal. Convém mencionar que este paradigma ambiental, ao ser incorporado pelas instituições neoliberais, se fragmenta e passa a comportar duas interpretações divergentes a respeito das perspectivas de desenvolvimento. Acredita-se que o teor desta ruptura preserva o movimento ambiental enquanto movimento social, crítico à economia da superprodução e do superconsumo, mas crente que um desenvolvimento sustentável somente pode ser atingido quando superadas às lógicas do capitalismo. Por outro lado, este paradigma ambiental adquire novo significado, ao ser utilizado como mecanismo de transformação do mercado em vários setores da economia, cuja ideia essencial reside na apropriação do paradigma como meio para sobrevivência das empresas. Em outras palavras, as instituições neoliberais incorporam o discurso ambiental e o conteúdo crítico direcionado às contradições sócio-ambientais trazidas pelo desenvolvimento econômico, e o transformam em ideologia na dispersão de conceitos que gravitam em torno do que denominam de sustentabilidade.

The Pre-1980 Roots of Neoliberal Financial Deregulation

U.S. financial deregulation is often popularly presented as a fundamental attack on financial regulation that began with neoliberalism's Big Bang in 1980. This paper argues this position is wrong in two ways. First, it is a process that stretches back decades before 1980. Textbook mentions of 1970s precursor "financial innovations" fall far short of presenting the breadth and duration of the pre-1980 attack on the system of regulation. Second, it has not been an across-the-board attack on financial regulation in the name of market efficiency as required by its ideology and claimed by its advocates, but rather a focused attack on only one of the five pillars of the system of regulation. This paper develops both of these assertions through a presentation of the five central pillars of the pre-1980 system of financial regulation, and the four major attacks on the three different aspects of the restrictions on financial competition.

Challenges of the Cooperative Movement In Addressing Issues of Human Security In the Context of a Neoliberal World: the Case of Argentina

The response of some Argentine workers to the 2001 crisis of neoliberalism gave rise to a movement of worker-recovered enterprises (empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores or ERTs). The ERTs have emerged as former employees took over the control of generally fraudulently bankrupt factories and enterprises. The analysis of the ERT movement within the neoliberal global capitalist order will draw from William Robinson’s (2004) neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony. The theoretical framework of neo-Gramscian hegemony will be used in exposing the contradictions of capitalism on the global, national, organizational and individual scales and the effects they have on the ERT movement. The ERT movement has demonstrated strong level of resilience, despite the numerous economic, social, political and cultural challenges and limitations it faces as a consequence of the implementation of neoliberalism globally. ERTs have shown that through non-violent protests, democratic principles of management and social inclusion, it is possible to start constructing an alternative social order that is based on the cooperative principles of “honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others” (ICA 2007) as opposed to secrecy, exclusiveness, individualism and self-interestedness. In order to meet this “utopian” vision, it is essential to push the limits of the possible within the current social order and broaden the alliance to include the organized members of the working class, such as the members of trade unions, and the unorganized, such as the unemployed and underemployed. Though marginal in number and size, the members of ERTs have given rise to a model that is worth exploring in other countries and regions burdened by the contradictory workings of capitalism. Today, ERTs serve as living proofs that workers too are capable of successfully running businesses, not capitalists alone.

La función de la extensión universitaria, como herramienta de la universidad pública, ante las consecuencias de la implementación del modelo neoliberal

A partir de la transformación del modelo productivo, durante la implementación del modelo neoliberal en la Argentina, cambió la estructura social y por ello la mayor parte de la población se vio afectada por el desempleo, la flexibilización laboral, la destrucción de las políticas públicas de integración social, la violencia social y el consumismo, entre otros problemas sociales. El Estado que había sido considerado, hasta la implementación del modelo mencionado, como el principal responsable de resolver las demandas sociales, no pudo seguir haciéndolo de forma eficaz y por ello surgieron, en el ámbito de un nuevo espacio público, otras organizaciones sociales. Estos nuevos actores aparecieron con la fuerza de la protesta social aunque encontraron el límite de sus acciones en el contexto social y económico que los excedía. Una de estas organizaciones tuvo y tiene un carácter distintivo no sólo por su dimensión institucional, sino también por su capacidad de influir en los ámbitos políticos de decisión, donde las otras organizaciones del “tercer sector" pocas veces pudieron participar. Dicha institución es la Universidad Pública, ¿La Universidad Pública?. Sí, esa institución con base territorial, capaz de formar profesionales, investigar las problemáticas que impiden el desarrollo local y articular políticamente los intereses del Estado Nacional, Provincial, Municipal, Empresas, ONG´s, y la sociedad civil toda. En este nuevo contexto social, las universidades públicas debieron desarrollar nuevas herramientas para articularse con el medio social donde están insertas. Estas nuevas acciones las obligaron a volver a debatir sobre su rol social, basándose en la interrelación de la tríada universitaria: formación, investigación y extensión.

La vida cultural de las políticas públicas : un análisis de los conflictos por el uso del agua en el contexto neoliberal

La descentralización en el marco de las políticas neoliberales se concibió como una reforma política-administrativa para minimizar el rol del Estado postulando como bastión clave "La participación local". Sin embargo ésta sólo se queda en los ámbitos formales. El caso particular de las políticas de descentralización del riego en la provincia de Mendoza no es una excepción. Lo que nos lleva a analizar su microcosmos y las redes sociales informales que dan cuenca de la desigual participación de los distintos usuarios del agua de riego en las decisiones en torno a este recurso, según sus trayectorias y sus capitales sociales, económicos y culturales.