Effectiveness of the Teaching Enrichment Activities to Minorities (TEAM) program at increasing underrepresented students in gifted programs

This study examined the effectiveness of the TEAM (Teaching Enrichment Activities to Minorities) program in preparing and identifying underrepresented students for entrance into the gifted program. Miami-Dade County Public Schools (M-DCPS) developed the TEAM program as an intervention program aimed at developing student's thinking skills and critical thinking skills in all subject areas and prepare students for possible placement into the gifted program. ^ A systematic sampling strategy was utilized to select three TEAM schools from each of the six regions in M-DCPS for the sample, for a total of 18 schools. A pool of the students that participated in the TEAM program in 2003-2004 in the 18 schools selected were identified as the TEAM Sample students. A matching sample was created from 18 public schools in Miami-Dade County that did not implement the TEAM program in 2003-2004. The Matching Sample created a match for 806 students in the TEAM sample, for a total of 1612 subjects for the study. ^ This study used a logistical regression design to analyze the relationships of multiple independent variables, including: ethnicity, limited English proficiency, gender, free/reduced lunch status, grade level, reading achievement, mathematics achievement, and participation TEAM on the dependent variables of referral for the gifted program and eligibility into the gifted program. The first analysis found the variables of grade level, participation in TEAM, reading achievement, and mathematics achievement were all significant variables in determining if a student was referred for the gifted program. The second analysis found the variables of grade level, gender, free/reduced lunch status, reading achievement, and mathematics achievement were all significant variables in determining if a student was eligible for the gifted program. ^ Recommendations based on the results of this study include the expansion of the TEAM program in M-DCPS to include additional grade levels and schools. Additionally, adopting a broadened definition of giftedness and reviewing the screening and placement policies for potentially gifted students is recommended. Adopting multicultural and broader definitions of giftedness and constructing better tools and programs, such as TEAM, for assessing and identifying potential gifted students, represent small steps towards creating equitable education for all students. ^

The Role of Family/Friend Social Support in Diabetes Self-Management for Minorities with Type 2 Diabetes

This study investigated how ethnicity, perceived family/friend social support (FSS), and health behaviors are associated with diabetes self-management (DSM) in minorities. The participants were recruited by community outreach methods and included 174 Cuban-, 121 Haitian- and 110 African-Americans with type 2 diabetes. The results indicated that ethnicity and FSS were associated with DSM. Higher FSS scores were associated with higher DSM scores, independent of ethnicity. There were ethnic differences in several elements of FSS. DSM was highest in Haitian- as compared to African-Americans; yet Haitian Americans had poorer glycemic control. The findings suggest FSS together with ethnicity may influence critical health practices. Studies are needed that further investigate the relationships among minorities with diabetes, their intimate network (family and friends) and the diabetes care process.

Reducing Health Disparities: Medical advice and health behavior of minorities with diabetes

OBJECTIVE: to examine the relationships among reported medical advice, diabetes education, health insurance and health behavior of individuals with diabetes by race/ethnicity and gender. METHOD: Secondary analysis of data (N = 654) for adults ages > or = 21 years with diabetes acquired through the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) for the years 2007-2008 comparing Black, non-Hispanics (BNH) and Mexican-Americans (MA) with White, non-Hispanics (WNH). The NHANES survey design is a stratified, multistage probability sample of the civilian noninstitutionalized U.S. population. Sample weights were applied in accordance with NHANES specifications using the complex sample module of IBM SPSS version 18. RESULTS: The findings revealed statistical significant differences in reported medical advice given. BNH [OR = 1.83 (1.16, 2.88), p = 0.013] were more likely than WNH to report being told to reduce fat or calories. Similarly, BNH [OR = 2.84 (1.45, 5.59), p = 0.005] were more likely than WNH to report that they were told to increase their physical activity. Mexican-Americans were less likely to self-monitor their blood glucose than WNH [OR = 2.70 (1.66, 4.38), p < 0.001]. There were differences by race/ethnicity for reporting receiving recent diabetes education. Black, non-Hispanics were twice as likely to report receiving diabetes education than WNH [OR = 2.29 (1.36, 3.85), p = 0.004]. Having recent diabetes education increased the likelihood of performing several diabetes self-management behaviors independent of race. CONCLUSIONS: There were significant differences in reported medical advice received for diabetes care by race/ethnicity. The results suggest ethnic variations in patient-provider communication and may be a consequence of their health beliefs, patient-provider communication as well as length of visit and access to healthcare. These findings clearly demonstrate the need for government sponsored programs, with a patient-centered approach, augmenting usual medical care for diabetes. Moreover, the results suggest that public policy is needed to require the provision of diabetes education at least every two years by public health insurance programs and recommend this provision for all private insurance companies

What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? : An Analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon'

Date of Acceptance: 07/10/2015

What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? : An Analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon'

Date of Acceptance: 07/10/2015

Minorities, Measured Cognitive Skills and the Earnings of Canadians (Working Paper 26)

This paper uses the Statistics Canada Survey of Literacy Skills in Daily Use (LSUDA) to investigate minority-“white”(i.e., non-minority) income differences and the role education and English/French literacy and numeracy skills play in those patterns. There are three principal sets of findings. First, among males, some visible minority groups have substantially lower levels of the measured language and number skills than whites and other more economically successful minorities, and in some cases these differences play a significant role in explaining the observed income patterns. The minority-white income gaps are, however, much smaller for women, and the literacy and numeracy variables do not have much of a role to play in explaining those differences. Second, for men, the minority-white income gaps are largely confined to immigrants, and there are no significant differences amongst the native-born once various factors which affect incomes (including education and the literacy and numeracy measures) are taken into account. For women, though, minority-white income differences only emerge for certain Canadian-born groups when they are differentiated from immigrants, for whom different gaps become apparent. Finally, the measured returns to literacy and numeracy differ significantly by ethnic group and sex. Various implications of the findings are discussed.

Accommodating Muslim Minorities in Secular Societies: Public Education in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec

Abstract This thesis examines one of the most sensitive challenges facing contemporary democracies: the accommodation of Muslim minorities in public institutions and services. It focuses on the field of education, and on two particular issues: the public funding of Islamic schools and the accommodation of Muslim needs in public secular schools. The analysis is based on an examination of outcomes in four jurisdictions that differ significantly in the level of accommodation that has emerged: England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. I seek to explain why such variation in outcomes exists among these four cases. I draw on four bodies of literature to underpin the theoretical framework: historical institutionalism, political mobilization by civil society, political parties, and ideationalism. My argument can be summarized simply; historic church-state settlements, unique in each case, are the most important factor explaining the variation in outcomes in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. In some cases, the historic church-state template is incrementally adapted to accommodate Muslim minorities. In other cases, relatively little accommodation occurs and the path-dependent trajectory of church-state relations remains entrenched. While the historic church-state template is a necessary factor in the explanation, it does not fully account for the variation. For a more complete picture, I demonstrate that there are several additional key factors that also shape the outcomes: first, national identity and public attitudes towards immigration and immigrants; second, the extent of mobilization by political agents, such as civil society organizations and historic churches; and third, the response of political parties to demands by Muslims for institutional accommodation. Ultimately, I conclude that Muslims in these jurisdictions are receiving some accommodation, but the process is slow and partial. This thesis makes important theoretical and empirical contributions to the discussion of Muslim integration in liberal democratic states. First, a framework has yet to be developed that considers the theoretical implications of institutional accommodation of Muslims; I address this gap. Second, this research demonstrates the utility of historical institutionalism in explaining the adaptation of church-state templates to accommodate Muslims’ demands. Last, this study makes an original contribution by comparing the cases of England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec in the accommodation of Muslims in education. A comparison of Canada with the United Kingdom has not yet been done.  

Introduction: dispersed minorities and non-territorial autonomy

The concept of non-territorial autonomy gives rise to at least two important questions: the range of functional areas over which autonomy extends, and the extent to which this autonomy is indeed non-territorial. A widely used early description significantly labelled this ‘national cultural autonomy’, implying that its focus is mainly on cultural matters, such as language, religion, education and family law. In many of the cases that are commonly cited, ‘autonomy’ may not even extend this far: its most visible expression is the existence of separate electoral registers or quotas for the various groups. Part of the dilemma lies in the difficulty of devolving substantial power on a non-territorial basis: to the extent that devolved institutions are state-like, they ideally require a defined territory. Ethnic groups, however, vary in the extent to which they are territorially concentrated, and therefore in the degree to which any autonomous arrangements for them are territorial or non-territorial. This article explores the dilemma generated by this tension between ethnic geography (pattern of ethnic settlement) and political autonomy (degree of selfrule), and introduces a set of case studies where the relationship between these two features is discussed further: the Ottoman empire and its successor states, the Habsburg monarchy, the Jewish minorities of Europe, interwar Estonia, contemporary Belgium, and two indigenous peoples, the Sa´mi in Norway and the Maori in New Zealand.

Equality versus Fraternity? Rethinking France and its Minorities

The relationship between France and its minorities is complex. Recent events including the 2015 terrorist attacks, the prohibition on wearing religious symbols in public, or the 2005 riots, have been perceived as symbols of great tension in French society when its comes to its minorities.2 Indeed the ten-year anniversary of the riots prompted reporting that nothing had changed in the intervening period in the structures of inequality that caused them,3 while in January 2015, the French Prime Minister Manuel Valls declared that the country was facing a “territorial, ethnic and social apartheid”.4 This statement from the Prime Minister seems to be at odds with the overall policy of rejecting any targeted policies or laws to protect minorities in France. As a tradition France is against minority rights. French authorities have consistently rejected the use of the term ‘minorities���, and have banned any form of special measures for national, racial, ethnic, religious or linguistic groups.5

The young, educated, minorities and the poor move out from south central Ethiopia

High population growth fragmented rural landholdings leading to low harvests and crop yields per acre per annum creating surplus labour that may resort to migration as a coping mechanism in least developing countries including Ethiopia. The main aim of the study is to assess trends and differentials of out-migration in south central Ethiopia. The Butajira demographic surveillance system database from 1987 to 2008 was used to conduct event history analysis. There were 3.97 out-migrations per 100 person years. Probability of out-migration was higher among males, teenagers, the youth, completed primary and secondary plus education; not in marital union; Christians, urbanites; lived in rented and owed house compared to their respective counterparts. The higher chances of out-migration among these groups may have social and economic significance.

Principle and prejudice : attitudes toward ethnic minorities in Quebec

L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

Principle and prejudice : attitudes toward ethnic minorities in Quebec

L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

State of minorities abstract

This document describes by category the plight or well-being of the State's minority population. It is intended to enlighten the members of minority communities, other citizens of South Carolina, public and private agencies, and policy makers regarding the socioeconomic conditions of minorities in the State and factors that contribute to those conditions. The abstract includes a historical perspective of the minority population, beginning with the State's colonial period. Additionally, it includes a section that discusses current and projected changes in the State's minority population and the implications of those changes for minority persons and the State of South Carolina.

ETHNIC MINORITIES AND HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS THE AFRO-COLOMBIAN CASE1

ResumenLa discriminación racial, la pobreza y la exclusión social son problemas estructurales que han afectadoa las minorías étnicas colombianas por décadas. De los grupos minoritarios del país, los(as)afrocolombianos(as) experimentan el más alto nivel de pobreza, hecho que se demuestra en sulimitado acceso a las políticas de educación, salud, empleo y demás servicios públicos y programassociales. De hecho, las regiones con fuerte presencia afrocolombiana presentan los peores indicadoressocio-económicos y la mayor parte de las víctimas (directas) del conflicto armado internoque afecta a la nación son las comunidades afrocolombianas. Las violaciones de derechos humanos contra los(as) afrocolombianos(as) han sido cometidas tanto por instituciones del Estado comopor actores no-estatales. Dichas violaciones son prohibidas por la Constitución Nacional y por lostratados de derechos humanos ratificados por el Estado colombiano. Sin embargo, los efectos de lasmismas siguen sin ser analizados a profundidad. En este texto se estudia en detalle las normas dederechos humanos que buscan proteger a la población afrocolombiana como grupo étnico minoritario.También se estudian las principales consecuencias de las prácticas racistas contra las comunidadesafrocolombianas y los retos de éstas en el marco del conflicto armado interno. El artículo se convierteen una de las pocas investigaciones que explica la compleja situación de derechos humanos de lascomunidades afrocolombianas en la historia reciente del país.Palabras clave: Afrocolombianos(as), minorías, derechos y discriminación. AbstractRacial discrimination, poverty and social exclusion are structural problems that have affected the Colombianethnic minorities for decades. Among these minority groups, Afro-Colombians experience the highest levelof poverty, which is demonstrated by their limited access to education, health, employment, and other socialprograms and services. In fact, most regions with Afro-Colombian presence endure the worst socio-economicindicators, and the main victims of the internal armed conflict are the Afro-Colombian communities. Humanrights violations against Afro-Colombians have been committed by both state and non-state actors.These violations are prohibited by the new Colombian Constitution (approved in 1991) and human rightstreaties ratified by the Colombian state. However, their effects on Afro-Colombians have not been extensivelyexplored. This paper analyzes in depth the domestic human rights framework that seeks the protectionof Afro-Colombians as an ethnic minority. Also, it studies in detail the consequences of racist practicestowards the Afro-Colombian communities and the challenges of their struggle for human rights in the frameof the internal armed conflict. The text represents one of the few works of its kind that explains the mainaspects of the complex human rights situation of Afro-Colombians throughout the nation’s recent history.Keywords: Afro-Colombians, minorities, rights and discrimination.