222 resultados para Miners


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We studied the predation behaviour of the "hunter fly" (Coenosia attenuata Stein) in the laboratory and greenhouse. In the laboratory, which was conducted at 25 degrees C at 60-80% RH, with a 16L : 8D photoperiod, we examined the functional response of this species to three different pests, namely the sciarid fly (Bradysia sp.), the tobacco whitefly (Bemisia tabaci) and the leaf miner Liriomyza trifolii. In the greenhouse, we studied the population dynamics of the predator and its prey on pepper and water melon crops grown in southern Spain. Adult hunter flies were found to exhibit a type I functional response to adult sciarid flies and whiteflies, but a type II response to adult leaf miners. The type II response was a result of the greater difficulty in capturing and handling leaf miners compared to the other two species. The dynamics of the predator-prey interaction in the greenhouse revealed that the predator specializes mainly on adult sciarids and that the presence of the other prey can be supplemental, but is never essential for survival of the predator; this, however, is crop-dependent. The results oil the dynamics of the predator-prey systems were obtained through a known population dynamics model with modifications.

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We previously reported that soluble decay-accelerating factor (DAF) and coxsackievirus-adenovirus receptor (CAR) blocked coxsackievirus 133 (CVB3) myocarditis in mice, but only soluble CAR blocked CVB3-mediated pancreatitis. Here, we report that the in vitro mechanisms of viral inhibition by these soluble receptors also differ. Soluble DAF inhibited virus infection through the formation of reversible complexes with CVB3, while binding of soluble CAR to CVB induced the formation of altered (A) particles with a resultant irreversible loss of infectivity. A-particle formation was characterized by loss of VP4 from the virions and required incubation of CVB3-CAR complexes at 37 degrees C. Dimeric soluble DAF (DAF-Fc) was found to be 125-fold-more effective at inhibiting CVB3 than monomeric DAF, which corresponded to a 100-fold increase in binding affinity as determined by surface plasmon resonance analysis. Soluble CAR and soluble dimeric CAR (CAR-Fc) bound to CVB3 with 5,000- and 10,000-fold-higher affinities than the equivalent forms of DAF. While DAF-Fc was 125-fold-more effective at inhibiting virus than monomeric DAF, complement regulation by DAF-Fc was decreased 4 fold. Therefore, while the virus binding was a cooperative event, complement regulation was hindered by the molecular orientation of DAF-Fc, indicating that the regions responsible for complement regulation and virus binding do not completely overlap. Relative contributions of CVB binding affinity, receptor binding footprint on the virus capsid, and induction of capsid conformation alterations for the ability of cellular DAF and CAR to act as receptors are discussed.

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The paper describes a method whereby the distribution of fatigue damage along riser tensioner ropes is calculated, taking account of heave motion, set tension, system geometry, tidal range and rope specification. From these data the distribution of damage along the rope is calculated for a given time period using a Miner’s summation method. This information can then be used to help the operator decide on the length of rope to ‘slip and cut’ whereby a length from the end of the rope is removed and the rope moved through the system from a storage drum such that sections of rope that have already suffered significant fatigue damage are not moved to positions where there is another peak in the distribution. There are two main advantages to be gained by using the fatigue damage model. The first is that it shows the amount of fatigue damage accumulating at different points along the rope, enabling the most highly damaged section to be removed well before failure. The second is that it makes for greater efficiency, as damage can be spread more evenly along the rope over time, avoiding the need to scrap long sections of undamaged rope.

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This paper offers an alternative viewpoint on why people choose to engage in artisanal mining – the low tech mineral extraction and processing of mainly precious metals and stones – for extended periods in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing upon experiences from Akwatia, Ghana’s epicentre of diamond production since the mid-1920s, the analysis challenges the commonly-held view that the region’s people are drawn to artisanal mining solely because of a desire ‘to get rich quick’. A combination of events, including the recent closure of Ghana Consolidated Diamonds Ltd’s industrial-scale operation and decreased foreign investment in the country’s diamond industry over concerns of it potentially harbouring ‘conflict’ stones from neighbouring Coˆte D’Ivoire, has had a debilitating economic impact on Akwatia. In an attempt to alleviate their hardships, many of the town’s so-called ‘lifetime’ diamond miners have managed to secure employment in neighbouring artisanal gold mining camps. But their decision has been condemned by many of the country’s policymakers and traditional leaders, who see it solely as a move to secure ‘fast money’. It is argued here, however, that these people pursue work in surrounding artisanal gold mining communities mainly because of poverty, and that their decision has more to do with a desire to immerse in activities with which they are familiar, that offer stable employment and consistent salaries, and provide immediate debt relief. Misdiagnosis of cases such as Akwatia underscores how unfamiliar policymakers and donors are with the dynamics of ASM in sub-Saharan Africa.

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In recent years, policy mechanisms to support a formalized artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector in sub-Saharan Africa have gained increasing currency. Proponents of formalization argue that most social and environmental problems associated with the sector stem from the fact that ASM is predominantly unregulated and operates outside the legal sphere. This paper critically examines recent efforts to formalize artisanal and small-scale mining inWest Africa, drawing upon recent fieldwork carried out in Sierra Leone, Ghana and Mali. In exploring the sector’s livelihood dimensions, the analysis suggests that bringing unregulated, informal mining activities into the legal domain remains a considerable challenge. The paper concludes by confirming the urgent need to refocus formalization strategies on the main livelihood challenges and constraints of small-scale miners themselves, if poverty is to be alleviated and more benefits are to accrue to depressed communities in mineral-rich regions.

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Since the implementation of Ghana's national Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), policies associated with the programme have been criticized for perpetuating poverty within the country's subsistence economy. This article brings new evidence to bear on the contention that the SAP has both fuelled the uncontrolled growth of informal, poverty-driven artisanal gold mining and further marginalized its impoverished participants. Throughout the adjustment period, it has been a central goal of the government to promote the expansion of large-scale gold mining through foreign investment. Confronted with the challenge of resuscitating a deteriorating gold mining industry, the government introduced a number of tax breaks and policies in an effort to create an attractive investment climate for foreign multinational mining companies. The rapid rise in exploration and excavation activities that has since taken place has displaced thousands of previously-undisturbed subsistence artisanal gold miners. This, along with a laissez faire land concession allocation procedure, has exacerbated conflicts between mining parties. Despite legalizing small-scale mining in 1989, the Ghanaian government continues to implement procedurally complex and bureaucratically unwieldy regulations and policies for artisanal operators which have the effect of favouring the interests of established large-scale miners.

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This article discusses the character of mineral resource governance at the margins of the state in Tanzania and the way artisanal gold miners are incorporated into mineral sector transformation. The landscape of mineral resource exploitation has changed dramatically over the past 20 years: processes of economic liberalisation have heralded massive foreign investment in large-scale gold mining, while also stimulating artisanal activities. Against this background, the article shows how artisanal gold miners are affected by contradictory processes: some have become integrated with state institutions and legal processes, while others, the large majority, are either further excluded or incorporated in ways that exacerbate insecurity and exploitation, underpinned by socio-economic inequalities. These processes are compounded by the actions of large-scale and medium-scale gold mining companies and by poor local governance. It is open to debate whether this will bring improved integration and welfare for artisanal mining communities or new forms of exclusion, although evidence suggests the latter.

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Analyses of neo-liberal change in African mining tend to frame discussion through the lens of an overarching structural perspective. Far less attention has been paid to the way change is enacted within social relations in mining communities. To this end, our chapter considers how development in the Tanzanian mineral sector transforms people’s relationships and stimulates new iterations of power and agency within local trajectories of development, focusing on the case of artisanal gold mining in Mgusu village in Geita region, Tanzania. The aim is to trace how neo-liberal change configures market rationality and property relations in ways that can fundamentally alter social relationships within the local community, occupational groups and families, raising both opportunities for wealth accumulation and the potential to entrench poverty. The creative action involved in these processes generates new associational ties and repertoires of practice, as miners’ respond to change and the need to protect their livelihoods.

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Artisanal miners have tended to be portrayed in the literature and media as people who work hard and play hard, not infrequently depicted as ‘rough diamonds’ likely to cross the boundaries of appropriate behaviour through pursuit of wealth and flamboyant living, often at the cost of local environmental damage. A popular alternative image is that of marginalised labourers, driven by poverty to toil in harsh conditions and pursuing mining livelihoods in the face of national governments and large-scale mining companies’ subversion of their land and mineral rights. Both views reflect partial realities, but are inclined to exaggerate the position of miners as mischief-making rogues or victims. Through documentation of the multi-faceted nature of Tanzanian artisanal miners’ work and home lives during the country’s on-going economic mineralisation, we endeavour to convey a balanced rendering of their aspirations, occupational identity and social ties. Our emphasis is on their working lives as artisans, how they organise themselves and contend with the risks of their occupation, including their engagement with government policy and large-scale mining interests.

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This article examines the marginal position of artisanal miners in sub-Saharan Africa, and considers how they are incorporated into mineral sector change in the context of institutional and legal integration. Taking the case of diamond and gold mining in Tanzania, the concept of social exclusion is used to explore the consequences of marginalization on people's access to mineral resources and ability to make a living from artisanal mining. Because existing inequalities and forms of discrimination are ignored by the Tanzanian state, the institutionalization of mineral titles conceals social and power relations that perpetuate highly unequal access to resources. The article highlights the complexity of these processes, and shows that while legal integration can benefit certain wealthier categories of people, who fit into the model of an 'entrepreneurial small-scale miner', for others adverse incorporation contributes to socio-economic dependence, exploitation and insecurity. For the issue of marginality to be addressed within integration processes, the existence of local forms of organization, institutions and relationships, which underpin inequalities and discrimination, need to be recognized.

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Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is often characterised as rush-type activity undertaken by people looking to ‘get-rich quick’. An alternative view posits ASM as poverty-driven activity which provides a valuable source of employment to a rural population where agriculture has failed to provide an adequate income. Against this dichotomy, this article critically reviews the short-lived, but high profile, gold rush which occurred on the beaches of Elmina, a fishing town in Ghana’s Central Region. At its peak, more than 1000 people, including local fishermen and career miners from the Western Region and Eastern Region of the country, were mining on the beaches. Drawing on interviews with miners and local business owners, the analysis explores the dynamics of the rush and its implications for understanding the ASM sector in Ghana. The discussion highlights the challenges associated with managing resources in dynamic and heterogeneous contexts, reconciling separate and conflicting sectoral priorities and the need to go beyond simplified and dualistic representations of the sector.

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Occupational exposure to respirable crystalline silica and to radiation emitted by natural radionuclides present both in rocks and sands was studied in the Brazilian extractive process and granite product manufacture. Respirable airborne dust samples were collected in working environments, where workers perform different tasks with distinct commercial granites types, and also in places where sandblasters work with sands from different origins. The free crystalline silica contents were determined using X-ray diffraction of the respirable particulate fraction of each sample. Dust samples from granite cutting and sandblasting ambient had the natural radionuclides concentrations measured by gamma spectrometry. Dust concentrations in the workplaces were quite variable, reaching values up to 10 times higher than the respirable particle mass threshold limit value (TLV) set by the American Conference for Governmental Industrial Hygienists of 3 mg m(-3). Also the free crystalline silica concentrations were high. reaching values up to 48 times the TLV of 0.025 mg m(-3). Additionally, our results suggest that the risk of radiation-induced cancer in the granite or marble industries is negligible. However, the combined exposure to dust, gamma radiation, and radon daughter products could result in the enhancement of lung cancer risks associated to sandblasting activities. (C) 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Coal mining and incineration of solid residues of health services (SRHS) generate several contaminants that are delivered into the environment, such as heavy metals and dioxins. These xenobiotics can lead to oxidative stress overgeneration in organisms and cause different kinds of pathologies, including cancer. In the present study the concentrations of heavy metals such as lead, copper, iron, manganese and zinc in the urine, as well as several enzymatic and non-enzymatic biomarkers of oxidative stress in the blood (contents of lipoperoxidation = TBARS, protein carbonyls = PC, protein thiols = PT, alpha-tocopherol = AT, reduced glutathione = GSH, and the activities of glutathione S-transferase = GST, glutathione reductase = GR, glutathione peroxidase = GPx, catalase = CAT and superoxide dismutase = SOD), in the blood of six different groups (n = 20 each) of subjects exposed to airborne contamination related to coal mining as well as incineration of solid residues of health services (SRHS) after vitamin E (800 mg/day) and vitamin C (500 mg/day) supplementation during 6 months, which were compared to the situation before the antioxidant intervention (Avila et al., Ecotoxicology 18:1150-1157, 2009; Possamai et al., Ecotoxicology 18:1158-1164, 2009). Except for the decreased manganese contents, heavy metal concentrations were elevated in all groups exposed to both sources of airborne contamination when compared to controls. TBARS and PC concentrations, which were elevated before the antioxidant intervention decreased after the antioxidant supplementation. Similarly, the contents of PC, AT and GSH, which were decreased before the antioxidant intervention, reached values near those found in controls, GPx activity was reestablished in underground miners, and SOD, CAT and GST activities were reestablished in all groups. The results showed that the oxidative stress condition detected previously to the antioxidant supplementation in both directly and indirectly subjects exposed to the airborne contamination from coal dusts and SRHS incineration, was attenuated after the antioxidant intervention.

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The decline of the Black-eared Miner Manorina melanotis has been caused primarily by habitat degradation and vegetation clearance. To better direct conservation actions for this species there was a need to assess habitat requirements on a regional-scale and to estimate the population size using quantitative methods. We used vegetation mapping and the current distribution of the Black-eared Miner to determine regional-scale habitat requirements. These findings were combined with the results of distance sampling to provide population estimates. The species is restricted to large tracts of intact mallee in the Murray Mallee of southeastern Australia that have not been burnt for at least 45 years. The density· of Black-eared Miners is highest in areas that are dominated by mallee- Triodia associations and have not been intensively grazed. The Bookmark Biosphere Reserve supports an estimated 501 (270-927, 95% CI) colonies, containing 3758 (2026-6954) phenotypically pure Black-eared Miners, 2255 (1 215-4170) hybrids and small numbers of Yellow-throated Miners Manorina flavigula. However, the effective population size is considerably smaller (390 Black-eared Miners '(21 0-726) and 234 hybrids (126-433)), due to a skewed adult sex ratio (1 female: 1.81 males) and complex social organization. A smaller population also persists in the Murray Sunset National Park containing 53 (32-85) Black-eared Miner/hybrid colonies. Both populations face a high risk of extinction from large-scale wildfire. The endangered status of the species under IUCN criteria remains warranted.

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Morphometric data on 92 Black-eared Miners and 47 Yellow-throated Miners that had been independently sexed using molecular techniques were analysed to investigate size dimorphism between the sexes. We found that both species are sexually dimorphic in size, with males being the larger sex. Discriminant analyses of morphometric data were used to develop a simple method for sexing both species in the hand. Additionally, alula shape was consistent with other methods that we applied for ageing individuals. Sex-specific size differences between Black-eared and Yellow-throated Miners detected here add further support to the contention that they represent different taxa. The application of these sexing and ageing techniques for both species of mallee miner will improve ongoing field management of the endangered Black-eared Miner.