841 resultados para Maternal and child care network
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This research project is a study in the field of public health to test the relationships of demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral, and biological factors with (1) prenatal care use and (2) pregnancy outcome, measured by birth weight. It has been postulated that demographic, socioeconomic, and behavioral factors are associated with differences in the use of prenatal care services. It has also been postulated that differences in demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral, and biological factors result in differences in birth weight. This research attempts to test these two basic conceptual frameworks. At the same time, an attempt is made to determine the population groups and subgroups that are at increased risk (1) of using fewer prenatal care visits, and (2) of displaying a higher incidence of low birth weight babies. An understanding of these relationships of the demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral, and biological factors in the use of prenatal care visits and pregnancy outcome, measured by birth weight, will potentially offer guidance in the planning and policy development of maternal and child health services. The research considers four major components of maternal characteristics: (1) Demographic factors. Ethnicity, household size, maternal parity, and maternal age; (2) Socioeconomic factors. Maternal education, family income, maternal employment, health insurance coverage, and household dwelling; (3) Behavioral factors. Maternal smoking, attendance at child development classes, mother's first prenatal care visit, total number of prenatal care visits, and adequacy of care; and, (4) Biological factors. Maternal weight gain during pregnancy.^ The research considers 16 independent variables and two dependent variables.^ It was concluded that: (1) Generally, differences in demographic, socioeconomic, and behavioral factors were associated with differences in the average number of prenatal care visits between and within population groups and subgroups. The Hispanic mothers were the lowest users of prenatal care services. (2) In some cases, differences in demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral, and biological factors demonstrated differences in the average birth weight of infants between and within population groups and subgroups. (3) Differences in demographic, socioeconomic, behavioral, and biological factors resulted in differences in the rates of low birth weight babies between and within population groups and subgroups. The Black mothers delivered the highest incidence of low birth weight infants.^ These findings could provide guidance in the formulation of public health policies such as MCH services, an increase in the use of prenatal care services by prospective mothers, resulting in reduction of the incidence of low birth weight babies, and consequently aid in reducing the rates of infant mortality. ^
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The objectives of this study were to compare female child-care providers with female university workers and with mothers of children in child-care centers for: (1) frequency of illness and work loss days due to infectious diseases, (2) prevalence of antibodies against measles, rubella, mumps, hepatitis B, hepatitis A, chickenpox and cytomegalovirus (CMV), and (3) status regarding health insurance and job benefits.^ Subjects from twenty child-care centers and twenty randomly selected departments of a university in Houston, Texas were studied in a cross-sectional fashion.^ A cluster sample of 281 female child-care providers from randomly selected child-care centers, a cluster sample of 286 university workers from randomly selected departments and a systematic sample of 198 mothers of children from randomly selected child-care centers.^ Main outcome measures were: (1) self-reported frequency of infectious diseases and number of work-days lost due to infectious diseases; (2) presence of antibodies in blood; and (3) self-reported health insurance and job benefits.^ In comparison to university workers, child-care providers reported a higher prevalence of infectious diseases in the past 30 days; lost three times more work-days due to infectious diseases; and were more likely to have anti-core antibodies against hepatitis B (odds ratio = 3.16 95% CI 1.27-7.85) and rubella (OR 1.88, 95% CI 1.02-3.45). Child-care providers had less health insurance and job-related benefits than mothers of children attending child-care centers.^ Regulations designed to reduce transmission of vaccine and non-vaccine preventable diseases in child-care centers should be strictly enforced. In addition policies to improve health insurance and job benefits of child-care providers are urgently needed. ^
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Twenty-five years have passed since the global community agreed in Nairobi to address the high maternal mortality by implementing the Safe Motherhood Initiative. However, every year nearly three million women die due to pregnancy related causes. This tragedy is avoidable if women have timely access to required emergency obstetric care. Emergency obstetric care refers to life-saving services for maternal and neonatal complications provided by skilled health workers. Since the beginning of the 1980’s, several efforts have been intensified to improve maternal and child health status and reducing the high morbidity and mortality. There was built on a worldwide consensus to provide improved maternal and child health care for addressing the high morbidity and mortality. All participant countries agreed to integrate emergency obstetric care services in their national health care system. Emergency obstetric care is one of the strategies for reducing the maternal mortality as pregnancy related complications are unpredictable. However, many women in developing countries do not have access to essential health care services including emergency obstetric care. Basic emergency obstetric care by skilled birth attendants or timely referral for further comprehensive emergency obstetric care can reduce maternal deaths and disabilities significantly. This paper is based on the results published in PubMed, Medline, Lancet, WHO and Google Scholar web pages from 1990 to 2013.
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Acknowledgements We would like to thank Yutaka Osakabe for co-ordinating the retrieval of full text articles. The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation supported this study, grant number 12-100074-000-INP
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The last two decades have been marked by a growing public awareness of family violence. Research by social scientists has suggested that family violence is widespread (Gelles and Straus, 1988). It is estimated that every year 1.8 to 4 million women are physically abused by their partners (Novello, 1992). In fact, more women are abused by their husbands or boyfriends than are injured in car accidents, muggings, or rapes (Jaffe, Wolfe, and Wilson, 1990). A recent prevalence study by Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, and Marcus (1997) found that children were disproportionately present in households where there was a substantial incident of adult female assault. Experts estimate that 3.3 to 10 million children are exposed to marital violence each year (Carlson, 1984; Straus, 1991). Until recently, most researchers did not consider the impact of parental conflict on the children who witness this violence. The early literature in this field primarily focused on the incidence of violence against women and the inadequate response of community agencies (Jaffe et al, 1990). The needs of children were rarely considered. However, researchers have become increasingly aware that children exposed to marital violence are victims of a range of psychological maltreatment (e.g., terrorizing, isolation;Hart, Brassared & Karlson, 1996) and are at serious risk for the development of psychological problems (Fantuzzo, DePaola, Lambert, Martino, Anderson, and Sutton, 1991). Jouriles, Murphy and O'Leary (1989) found that children of battered women were four times more likely to exhibit psychopathology as were children living in non-violent homes. Further, researchers have found associations between childhood exposure to parental violence and the expression of violence in adulthood (Carlson, 1990). Existing research suggests that children who have witnessed marital violence manifest numerous emotional, social, and behavioral problems (Sternberg et al., 1993; Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Jaffe et al, 1990). Studies have found that children of battered women exhibit more internalizing and externalizing behavior problems than non-witnesschildren (Hughes and Fantuzzo, 1994; McCloskey, Figueredo, and Koss, 1995). In addition, children exposed to marital violence have been found to exhibit difficulties with social problem-solving, and have lower levels of social competence than nonwitnesses (Rosenberg, 1987; Moore, Pepler, Weinberg, Hammond, Waddell, & Weiser, 1990). Other reported difficulties include low self esteem (Hughes, 1988), poor school performance (Moore et al., 1990) and problems with aggression (Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson, & Zak, 1986). Further, within the last decade, researchers have found that some children are traumatized by the witnessing experience, showing elevated levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms (Devoe & Graham-Bermann, 1997; Rossman, Bingham, & Emde, 1996; Kilpatrick, Litt, & Williams, 1997). These findings corroborate clinical reports that describe many exposed children as experiencing trauma reactions. It appears that the negative effects of witnessing marital violence are numerous and varied, ranging from mild emotional and behavioral problems to clinically significant levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms. These incidence figures and research findings indicate that children's exposure to violence is a significant problem in our nation today and has serious implications for the future.
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This paper examines recent policies and politics of services, in particular child care services in European welfare states. It is argued that social (care) services are becoming an increasingly political issue in postindustrial societies and are at the very center of welfare-state restructuring. Some countries have recently developed new policy pro grams for child care-but there are important differences among these programs. To understand these differences as well as some common features, the paper argues that it is necessary to examine the institutional organization of child care and short-term political factors as well as the rationales articulated in political debates to support or im pede various policies. The paper concludes that a comprehensive system of child care provisions is still far off in most countries, despite a rhetoric of choice and postindustrial care and labor-market patterns.
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"Serial no. 100-26."
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"H.A.S.C. no. 100-120."
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"Completely rewritten text, based in part upon Care and guidance of children by Helen C. Goodspeed and Emma Johnson ... 1938."
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Authors: James A. Levine and others.
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"OE-87021-A."
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"B-283994"--P. 1.
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"First published [in mimeographed form] by the Resettlement division of the Farm security administration, United States. Department of agriculture ... New edition somewhat altered and extended."
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The profile is divided into two sections: one geared towards those hoping to establish a day care home, and the other for those establishing a larger scale day care center.
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Cover title.