O cotidiano escolar na Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos (1984-2014)

Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC

El Machete e A Classe Operária: a imprensa comunista mexicana e brasileira (1920-1940)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

O Brasil que não é bem assim: representações do Brasil na cobertura da Copa do Mundo 2014 pelo jornal The Guardian

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

O Brasil que não é bem assim: representações do Brasil na cobertura da Copa do Mundo 2014 pelo jornal The Guardian

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

Il sarto tra Medioevo e prima Età moderna a Bologna e in altre città dell’Emilia Romagna

Il lavoro di Elisa Tosi Brandi riguarda il mestiere del sarto nel basso Medioevo e si sviluppa utilizzando due prospettive differenti. Da un lato, infatti, si è deciso di seguire una tradizione di studi oramai consolidata, che privilegia l’indagine degli aspetti economici e politici, dall’altro si è scelto di non trascurare la storia dei prodotti degli artigiani. L’approccio utilizzato in questa tesi tiene insieme entrambe le prospettive di ricerca, tentando dunque di indagare i produttori e i prodotti così come le fasi e i metodi di lavoro. Ciò senza ignorare, da un lato, indagini di tipo politico, economico e sociale, poiché tali oggetti sono lo specchio della società che li ha ideati e creati e da cui non si può prescindere e, dall’altro, indagini di tipo tecnico, poiché gli oggetti sono rivelatori del complesso patrimonio di conoscenze artigianali. Partendo dal caso di studio della Società dei sarti della città di Bologna, la tesi di Elisa Tosi Brandi ricostruisce questo mestiere confrontando tra loro fonti inedite (statuti corporativi, matricole, estimi) e studi effettuati su altre aree italiane. La ricca documentazione conservata ha consentito di mettere in luce l’organizzazione di questo lavoro, di collocare abitazioni e botteghe nell’area del mercato e nel più ampio tessuto cittadino, di individuare i percorsi commerciali e di approvvigionamento. L’ultima parte della tesi offre l’analisi di alcune fonti materiali al fine di ricostruire le tecniche sartoriali medievali intrecciando tutte le fonti consultate: dai documenti scritti si passa pertanto agli abiti che offrono informazioni dirette sulle tecniche di taglio ed assemblaggio.

L'evoluzione poetica delle Grazie di Ugo Foscolo. Un'ipotesi di commento.

Il presente progetto di ricerca propone l’esegesi di alcune sezioni delle Grazie di Ugo Foscolo, secondo l’Edizione Nazionale (1985), a cura di Pagliai-Scotti. È stato fornito il commento delle seguenti sezioni: Prima redazione dell’Inno, Seconda redazione dell’Inno e Appendice alla Seconda redazione dell’Inno, Versi del Rito, Quadernone, Stesure milanesi: Viaggio delle api e frammenti sparsi. Tutte le stesure della Prima redazione dell’Inno e alcuni frammenti delle Stesure milanesi non erano mai stati commentati fino ad ora. Il commento offre una ricostruzione dell’intertesto delle Grazie – le fonti letterarie, erudite e figurative –, e punta alla storicizzazione e alla contestualizzazione della poesia di Foscolo. Attraverso lo studio dei frammenti nella loro evoluzione è possibile intendere come i tre inni, diventati uno soltanto nella redazione del Quadernone, rappresentino la sintesi di tutto il sapere e gli interessi foscoliani (eruditi, scientifici, filosofico-estetici e letterari), e come essi, sin dai primi esiti poetici, siano specchio delle esperienze biografiche dell’autore. Il commento proposto nella tesi ribadisce la complessità della poesia delle Grazie, nelle sue componenti civili e didattiche. Esso avanza nuovi e importanti spunti di indagine, ponendosi come viatico indispensabile per un futuro commento integrale.

Integriertes Informationsmanagement für Bildungseinrichtungen

Der CampusSource Workshop fand vom 10. bis 12. Oktober 2006 an der Westfälischen Wilhelms Universität (WWU) in Münster statt. Kernpunkte der Veranstaltung waren die Entwicklung einer Engine zur Verknüpfung von e-Learning Anwendungen mit Systemen der HIS GmbH und die Erstellung von Lehr- und Lerninhalten mit dem Ziel der Wiederverwendung. Im zweiten Kapitel sind Vorträge der Veranstaltung im Adobe Flash Format zusammengetragen. Zur Betrachtung der Vorträge ist der Adobe Flash Player, mindestens in der Version 6 erforderlich

Is There a Net Gener in the House? Dispelling a Mystification

The subject of this essay is the so-called ‘net generation’, the ‘generation @’, or the ‘millennials’ and the speculations about the importance of this generation for teaching. This essay represents both a critical analysis of such allegations and assumptions and a discourse, from the perspective of socialization, on the use of media in teaching.

IT-KompetenzBarometer

Die kurzen Technologiezyklen in der IT-Industrie stellen Unternehmen vor das Problem, Mitarbeiter zeit- und themenadäquat weiter zu qualifizieren. Für Bildungsanbieter erwächst damit die Herausforderung, relevante Bildungsthemen möglichst frühzeitig zu identifizieren, ökonomisch zu bewerten und ausgewählte Themen in Form geeigneter Bildungsangebote zur Marktreife zu bringen. Zur Handhabung dieser Problematik wurde an der Hochschule für Telekommunikation Leipzig (HfTL), die sich in Trägerschaft der Deutsche Telekom AG befindet, ein innovatives Analyseinstrument entwickelt. Mit diesem Instrument, dem IT-KompetenzBarometer, werden Stellenanzeigen, die in Jobportalen online publiziert werden, ausgelesen und mithilfe von Text Mining-Methoden untersucht. Auf diese Weise können Informationen gewonnen werden, die differenzierte Auskunft über die qualitativen Kompetenzanforderungen zentraler Berufsbilder des IT-Sektors liefern. Dieser Beitrag stellt Ergebnisse vor, die durch Analyse von mehr als 40.000 Stellenanzeigen für IT-Fachkräfte aus Jobportalen im Zeitraum von Juni-September 2012 gewonnen werden konnten. Diese Ergebnisse liefern eine Informationsgrundlage, um marktrelevante Bildungsthemen zu identifizieren, sodass Bildungsangebote erfolgreich gestaltet und weiterentwickelt werden können.

Human creation, imagination and autonomy: a brief introduction to Castoriadis’ social and psychoanalytical philosophy

During the last decade Castoriadis’ questioning has become a reference point in contemporary social theory. In this article I examine some of the key notions in Castoriadis’ work and explore how he strives to develop a theory on the irreducible creativity in the radical imagination of the individual and in the institution of the social-historical sphere. Firstly, I briefly discuss his conception of modern capitalism as bureaucratic capitalism, a view initiated by his criticism of the USSR regime. The following break up with Marxist theory and his psychoanalytic interests empowered him to criticize Lacan and read Freud in an imaginative, though unorthodox, fashion. I argue that this critical enterprise assisted greatly Castoriadis in his conception of the radical imaginary and in his unveiling of the political aspects of psychoanalysis. On the issue of the radical imaginary and its methodological repercussions, I’m focusing mainly on the radical imagination of the subject and its importance in the transition from the ‘‘psychic’’ to the ‘‘subject’’. Taking up the notion of “Being” as a starting point, I examine the notion of autonomy, seeking its roots in the ancient Greek world. By looking at notions such as “praxis”, “doing”, “project” and “elucidation”, I show how Castoriadis sought to redefine revolution as a means for social and individual autonomy. Finally I attempt to clarify the meaning of “democracy” and “democratic society” in the context of the social imaginary and its creations, the social imaginary significations.

The electoral success of the Svoboda Party - the consequences for Ukrainian politics. OSW Commentary No. 97, 2012-11-26

The All-Ukrainian Association ‘Svoboda’ scored an unexpected success in the parliamentary elections, winning support from over 10% of the voters and entering the select group of Ukrainian parliamentary parties which operate at a national level. Svoboda’s manifesto is nationalist and anti-liberal, in both economic and political aspects. It is in fact the anti-liberal component of this party’s manifesto which it can thank for achieving such a big electoral success. The faction formed by Svoboda’s 37 representatives in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) will have a small impact on legislative work, but their activity may add further to the brutalisation of parliamentary life. Furthermore, Svoboda will attempt to make other opposition groupings adopt a more radical approach, which may trigger the disintegration of the United Opposition Baktivshchyna. A new wave of public protests is likely to emerge in Ukraine in the coming months. Therefore, it can be expected that Svoboda will make efforts to join in or even incite them, in order to promote its social and nationalist messages. This may contribute to increasing the popularity of nationalist ideas and to a further radicalisation of sentiments in Ukraine.

The Evolving Integration in East Asia - Too many reservations? CEPS Essay No. 5, 29 April 2013

East Asian economic integration is less well known in Europe than is desirable in the EU’s own enlightened self-interest. It is also badly understood, not least because a range of ‘soft’ cultural, historical and political aspects are insufficiently appreciated in Europe. This CEPS Essay offers a deeper personal reflection on the emergence and development of East Asian economic cooperation and market-driven integration. It attempts to address some of the lingering reservations on both sides and to render the reservations in East Asia more intelligible to Europeans.

The Dangers and Inanity of (Euro-) Nationalism: From Communitarianism to Cosmopolitanism. Egmont Paper No. 77, April 2015

INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality.

The Society of States under siege? An English School perspective on the emergence of global civil society

In this article I critically examine the theoretical and empirical relationship between world society, whereby global civil society is taken to be its physical or empirical counterpart, and the society of states. This relationship is typically portrayed as contradictory or confrontational, and I contend that this mainstream perspective is reliant on a superficial analysis of the relationship. If one examines the deeper dynamics, viewed in their contemporary international normative context, then one can identify the more constructive and permissive aspects of the relationship. Rather than being wholly incompatible I argue that world society and international society are mutually constitutive and mutually dependent regimes, whose relationship is more often marked by cooperation than by conflict. English School theory provides the conceptual framework for this analysis. The relationship between international and world society presents a core ontological tension within this theory, and again they tend to occupy polarised positions. A synthesis of four international theories - pluralist international society theory, solidarist international society theory, critical international theory, and the discourse of global civil society - informs the hypothesis that the relationship can be normatively and empirically reconciled. In order to empirically support this explanation I analyse two phenomena in world politics - transnational advocacy networks and humanitarian intervention - where there is an apparent tension between international and world society.