997 resultados para Land reform
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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This paper searches to understand which disputes and conflicts are around the consolidation of agroecology as one of the alternatives and initiatives of local development in a land reform settlement. Thus, this paper, which consists of one of the results presented in the author´s dissertation, aims to identify the disputes and conflicts that occur among local initiatives related to agroecology. Santa Rosa settlement is located in one of the densest areas in relation to rural settlements in Rio Grande do Sul (RS) State. The research sources used to collect data and references to this paper were obtained in: researched bibliography in the writing of the author's dissertation; academic articles; and perceptions from the author's experiences in some land reform settlements. In this research it was considered that initiatives and actions in agroecology in the studied settlement can be strategic to make the social relations potential to the occurrence of experiences in local development different from those that occur alongside agribusiness.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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This paper searches to understand which disputes and conflicts are around the consolidation of agroecology as one of the alternatives and initiatives of local development in a land reform settlement. Thus, this paper, which consists of one of the results presented in the author´s dissertation, aims to identify the disputes and conflicts that occur among local initiatives related to agroecology. Santa Rosa settlement is located in one of the densest areas in relation to rural settlements in Rio Grande do Sul (RS) State. The research sources used to collect data and references to this paper were obtained in: researched bibliography in the writing of the author's dissertation; academic articles; and perceptions from the author's experiences in some land reform settlements. In this research it was considered that initiatives and actions in agroecology in the studied settlement can be strategic to make the social relations potential to the occurrence of experiences in local development different from those that occur alongside agribusiness.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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This paper searches to understand which disputes and conflicts are around the consolidation of agroecology as one of the alternatives and initiatives of local development in a land reform settlement. Thus, this paper, which consists of one of the results presented in the author´s dissertation, aims to identify the disputes and conflicts that occur among local initiatives related to agroecology. Santa Rosa settlement is located in one of the densest areas in relation to rural settlements in Rio Grande do Sul (RS) State. The research sources used to collect data and references to this paper were obtained in: researched bibliography in the writing of the author's dissertation; academic articles; and perceptions from the author's experiences in some land reform settlements. In this research it was considered that initiatives and actions in agroecology in the studied settlement can be strategic to make the social relations potential to the occurrence of experiences in local development different from those that occur alongside agribusiness.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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This paper attempts to identify a pathway out of poverty over generations in the rural Philippines, based on long-term panel data spanning for nearly a quarter of a century. Specifically, it sequentially examines the determinants of schooling, subsequent occupational choices, and current non-farm earnings for the same individuals. We found that an initial rise in parental income, brought about by the land reform and the Green Revolution, among other things, improves the schooling of children, which later allows them to obtain remunerative non-farm jobs. These results suggest that the increased agricultural income, improved human capital through schooling and the development of non-farm sectors are the keys to reducing poverty in the long run. It must be also pointed out that the recent development of the rural non-farm sector offers ample employment opportunities for the less educated, which also significantly contributed to the poverty reduction.
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In this paper, we describe recent developments in the rental market for agricultural land in selected EU member states and candidate countries. The analysis focuses on the importance of the rental market as well as on the evolution of rental prices. It appears that the share of rented land in the total utilised agricultural area varies considerably among member states. In the old member states, the share of rented land ranges between 18% in Ireland and 74% in France, while in the new member states (NMS) it ranges from 17% in Romania to 89% in Slovakia. For the former, different strategies to provide tenure security to tenants can explain differences in the importance of rental markets. Changes in the significance of land rental have also reflected changes in institutions and in economic and political conditions. In the NMS, diverse approaches to land reform have resulted in assorted ownership structures and hence in differences in the share of rented land. Regarding rental prices, governments impose price restrictions on agricultural land rents in some countries, such that large divergences are observed in rental prices between and within member states.
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Bibliography: p. [155]-157.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Two protected areas: Royal Bardia National Park (RBNP) and Royal Suklaphanta Wildlife Reserve (RSWR) in the Western Terai, Nepal, are under threats due to present political turmoil, uncontrolled immigration, inefficient land reform policies and unsustainable resource use. I did a stratified random questionnaire survey of 234 households to determine how resource use patterns and problems influence conservation attitudes. Chi-square, Student's t, Mann-Whitney and Kruskal-Wallis tests, and multiple regression were used. There was spatio-temporal variability in resource use patterns and dependency. People were collecting eight and seven types of resources in RBNP and RSWR, respectively. However, people in RBNP were more dependent on resources than RSWR. In both areas, the problem of firewood is serious. The mean attitude score of RBNP (8.4 ± 1.44) was significantly higher than the score of RSWR (7.7 ± 1.66; t = 3.24, p = 0.0007). Conservation attitude was determined by variables such as participation in trainings, wildlife damage, and satisfaction towards user groups.
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In the late 1980s, the quilombola (or maroon) communities emerged on the Brazilian public scene. They established themselves as new collective subjects and ethnic groups, in a historical moment of sensitive political changes in several social conflicts and struggles, both in Brazil and in Latin America. Because of their socio-cultural and historical singularities, these communities have self-identified in the same collective expression and have organized in search of recognition and respect for their rights. Quilombo communities and other self-labeled as "traditional communities" seek to reaffirm their differences in opposition to a conscious colonizer cultural project and re-signify their memories and traditions, that serve as reference in the construction of alternative production projects and community organization. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this quilombola political emergence process is the territorial nature of the struggles, manifested in at least two directions: on the one hand, the struggle for legal and formal recognition of a given space, i.e., the regularization and titling of occupied territories, considering that the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 recognizes the right of these communities to the final possession of the traditional lands. On the other hand, the struggle for recognition of their territoriality in a broader sense, not necessarily restricted to the demarcated area, but as the recognition of a culture and its own way of life, that originated historically in these territories. The current accomplishments and challenges of the Brazilian quilombola communities are well exemplified by the quilombo of Acauã, in the Poço Branco municipality of Rio Grande do Norte. The last fifteen years have been marked by important changes in this community, which has gained visibility and has emerged as a new political player. Acauã identified itself as quilombola community in 2004, the same year that it formalized its political structure, through the creation of the Association of Residents of Quilombo Acauã (AMQA, in Portuguese). Also in 2004, it requested to the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA, in Portuguese) the opening of the process for regularization and titling of quilombo territory, which is at an advanced stage, but so far without definitive resolution. This study aims to understand the process of territorialization (struggle for territorial claim) played in the last fifteen years by the community of Acauã.
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This work has as objective to analyze the social movement called Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra and their relation to land reform from the idea of nation. In the decade of its emergence, 1980, Brazilian nationalism was deeply tied to aspirations for democracy and this consisted of a kind of political language of the period that included not only the MST, but also conservative sectors of Brazilian politics. The MST then develop a way to realize their different social function of the movements that preceded it as the Ligas Camponesas, incorporating the element of the nation as political capital to strengthen their practice. This relationship will be studied from a debate on contemporary Marxism and its key concepts.