451 resultados para Islamist mouvements


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1803-19 include "Table des positions géographiques des principaux lieux de globe", [etc.] 1862-1863, par m. Daussy; 1864-1866, par m. Daussy, continuée par le colonel Peytier; 1877-1883, par mm. Daussy et Darondeau, continuée par m. de La Roche-Poncié; 1884-1891, par mm. Daussy, Darondeau et de La Roche-Poncié, continuée par le viceamiral Cloué; 1892-19 par mm. Daussy, Darondeau, de La Roche-Poncié, Cloué, continuée par m. Boquet de la Grye.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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At head of title: Les maitres de la science.

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De nombreuses langues du monde grammaticalisent les formes lexicales itive (aller) et ventive (venir) en auxiliaires temporels. Si ce fait a été abondamment décrit dans des langues particulières, on ne dispose pas d’une étude contrastive des deux tours, ce que nous proposons d’entreprendre dans la présente communication, sur quelques langues, A partir des premiers constats suivants : - la forme itive est plus fréquemment grammaticalisée que la forme ventive : en anglais p. ex. seul go est grammaticalisé ; - si le plus souvent l’itif s’est grammaticalisé dans l’expression de l’imminence-ultériorité (le train va partir) et le ventif dans celle de la récence (le train vient de partir), ce n’est pas toujours le cas : en catalan, anar + inf. est un prétérit (el tren va marchar : ‘le train est parti’), et actualise donc le procès non comme ultérieur mais comme antérieur ; - certaines langues, comme le français, ont développé sur ces auxiliaires, outre les effets de sens temporel d’imminence-ultériorité pour l’itif et de récence pour le ventif, un effet de sens d’extraordinaire, qui peut être signifié aussi bien par l’un que par l’autre tour (il va pas / vient pas me dire) - l’imminence-ultériorité sur l’itif et la récence sur le ventif souffrent des restrictions temporelles, plus accusées pour le premier : en francais p. ex., aller, dans cet effet de sens, se conjugue aux seuls présent et imparfait (le train va / allait / * irait / *est allé partir) ; venir admet en plus le futur et le conditionnel (le train vient/ venait/viendra/ viendrait/ *est venu de partir). On se propose (i) d’expliciter les différents éléments de l’asymétrie dans la grammaticalisation des deux formes itive et ventive dans les langues retenues (anglais, catalan, espagnol, français, italien, portugais), et (ii) de formuler une hypothèse explicative de ces faits hétérogènes.

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Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.

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The aim of the paper is to analyse the ongoing transformation process within the Islamist movements using the example of the moderate Islamic Action Front party in Jordan. The dilemma of participation in the 2010 general elections raised tensions between the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, and between doves and hawks of the same organizations. Internal debate on the future has started recently among different groups within the Islamist movement in Jordan. The research is based on the author‘s recent field experience in Jordan (April–July 2010, Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship at the American Centre of Oriental Research, Amman, Jordan). The author also conducted research in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt, where several interviews were carried out with leading and lower level Islamist politicians. The dynamic changes within Islamic Action Front Party in Jordan and its relation with the regime has been used as reference point. The main question of the research was aa how the changing political and regional context shapes decisions of the Islamist with special attention to the acceptance of democratic values and human rights, political participation, and the meanings of Islamic values in the 21st century, possible cooperation with secular parties/movements/the regime.