137 resultados para Industrialisation


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Place branding is traditionally concerned with drawing on the positive and unique elements of a community to generate investment and build community pride. In 2014 a promotional video was released portraying Geelong as a zombie town, with flamboyant Mayor Darryn Lyons riding in on horseback to save the city and its people. The imagery was more at home in cult zombie cinema than a tourism promotion. Critics berated the video as an ill-conceived stunt that carried a message derisive to the local community. Supporters focused on the bold, creative nature of the endeavour, claiming its potential to ‘go viral’ would enhance Geelong’s media presence, improve the city’s perception and draw visitors to the area. Geelong was first badged ‘Sleepy Hollow’ in the 1860s when the new gold towns of Ballarat and Bendigo boomed, challenging its supremacy as a commercial centre. Geelong prospered in the 1920s through industrialisation, but the moniker has remained. Today, Geelong faces a period of economic uncertainty and transition as it adjusts to major job losses in manufacturing. While this presents significant challenges, it also creates opportunities for the city to re-imagine itself by capitalising on the physical and cultural assets that set Geelong apart. While the zombie video has sparked debate, its success in influencing views of the city is constrained by its references to past stigma and its imposition of a new sense of dystopia in the present. This paper explores the Sleepy Hollow predicament and considers how the branding of Geelong might move beyond parody to better reflect its position as Victoria’s largest regional centre through an approach based on imageability, narrative, assets and investment.

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Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.

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Crées par leDécret n° 7.566, le 23 septembre 1909, les 19 Escolas de Aprentizes Artífices (Écoles d Aprentis Artisans) stratégiquement situées dans les capitales des états brésiliens, répresentaient l une de plus importantes réalisations pour la formation de main-de-oeuvre qualifiée dans les premières décennies de XXème siècle. Alors, ce travail est constitué par une recherche historique ayant eu pour base les informations apportées par des documents divers (Lois, Décrets, Rapports et Messages Gouvernementales, Livres des Immatriculations) et des nouvelles publiées dans le journal A República, disponibles à l Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Rio Grande do Norte IHG-RN, à l Arquivo Público do Estado et au Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica do Rio Grande do Norte (CEFET RN). On montre la configuration que l expérience de l École d Aprentis Artisans a constituée au Rio Grande do Norte à partir de 1909, crée avec le niveau élémentaire jusqu au 1942, quand la Lei Orgânica do Ensino Industrial a changé cet enseignement en le modifiant pour le niveau secondaire. Dans l état du Rio Grande do Norte(RN), ce genre d école a été crée au 3 janvier de 1910. La finalité était la formation des ouvriers et contremaîtres par l enseignement pratique et technique nécessaires aux mineurs qui puissent apprendre un métier. L école du RN a contribuée pour la consolidation du projet politique-idéologique de la construction de la nationalité brésilienne, par des pratiques des contenu patriotique et civique-militaire, en détachant l insertion du scoutisme scolaire comme expression de la militarisation des pratiques éducatives pour le contrôle des corps. Malgré l enseignement professionnel avoir été utilisé pour l imposition des modèles culturelles sous-jacents aux rapports de production capitaliste qui étaient exigés des travailleurs, la Escola de Aprendizes Artífices de Natal a répondue à la demande locale, ce qui renforce l idée que sa création dans ce moment historique a attendu surtout le but politique-idéologique plutôt que celui du développement économique et éducationnel de la population norte-riograndense

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Le présent texte vise à analiser la apropriation de l'espace par le pouvoir publique. Entre les années 1956 et 1964, la ville brésilien de Natal a été administré par le maire Djalma Maranhao, dirigeants politiques marquées par des idées nationalistes, comme la lutte contre l'impérialisme et l'émancipation du peuple a travers de ce que l'on appelle « culture populaire ». Le terme a acquis une connotation politique, en même temps dans ce qui était considéré comme la plus pure manifestation du peuple brésilien. La dynamique politique signifie aussi un nouveau regard sur la ville, enquant que le désir de progrès, de industrialisation et de réformes sociales propagée dans la politique nationale brésilienne, directement traduit par des changements dans son espace physique. Dans cette orientation nationaliste, la ville a entrepris des actions systématiques à l'encontre des nouveaux besoins urbains qui se posent en même temps que tourné certains places de la ville à espaces culturelles, appelée « places de la culture ». Ces espaces sont destinés à la promotion de la culture populaire en même temps il a été un domaine stratégique de la production et la réception des valeurs défendues par Djalma Maranhao. En ce sens, nous avons demandé répondre quelle a été la position du maire face à la besoins urbaines qu'ils se posaient et comme les places de la culture sont intégré à la vie quotidienne de la ville de Natal, donnant une nouvelle signification à la place publique. Pour la construction de ce travail, nous utilisons les sources orales et de revues, de journaux et de A República et Folha da Tarde, comme le principal ressources méthodologiques

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Cet article examine la création de l'industrie du livre didactique aux États-Unis à partir des années 30 du XIXe siècle. Dès les années 20 de ce siècle, des maisons d'éditions sises dans les villes de New York et Boston étaient déjà capables de publier différents types de livres didactiques et de petits livres pour enfants et de les vendre aux quatre coins du pays, où elles avaient détaché des fonctionnaires pour ce faire. À la fin de cette décennie, le processus de production s'est sophistiqué avec l'organisation et l'entraînement d'équipes spécialisées dans l'écriture de schoolbooks. Dans le sillage de ces premières maisons d'éditions, d'autres se sont affirmées et sont devenues des puissances nationales et internationales jouant un rôle décisif aussi bien dans l'américanisation des énormes vagues d'immigrants qui sont arrivées dans ce pays, dès la moitié du XIXe siècle, que dans celle des peuples soumis à la domination militaire ou économique des EUA.

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The results indicated potassium as the most important for the discrimination between groups of samples, followed by magnesium, calcium and sodium. As the area has been under intense sugar cane industrialisation, the soil and the river waters of the region receive a high content of vinasse rich in potassium. -from English summary

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

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Inclut la bibliographie

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Publicado también en inglés: Economic development planning. Dr. Prebisch's advocacy of orderly industrialisation. The Review of the River Plate, Buenos Aires, v. 120, No 3270, p. 20-22, October 19, 1956; extractos del discurso

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This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.