793 resultados para Independence of Colombia


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The International Coffee Agreements (ICA) involved the majority of nations producing and consuming coffee and provided relative economic stability to the coffee sectors of the exporting Third World countries. This study focuses on the serious impact of the 1989 collapse of the ICA on the domestic coffee sectors of Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire. In particular, the dissertation examines the role of the Colombian and Ivoirian coffee parastatals, the Federacion Nacional de Cafeteros de Colombia and the Caisse de Stabilisation et Soutien des Prix des Produits Agricoles, during the crisis and their transformation by it. ^ The theoretical framework employed in this study is borrowed from the literature on state-society relations. The methodology includes: in-depth analysis of the historical roles of the parastatal agencies in coffee production, state-society relations and economic development in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire; interviews with parastatal administrators, producers and other knowledgeable informants in both countries; and a comprehensive review of newspaper articles and official statements of coffee policy published in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire. prior to, during, and after the crisis. ^ The Colombian and Ivoirian coffee sectors and their producers faced serious economic and social problems following the drop in coffee prices. The coffee parastatals in Colombia and Côte d'lvoire first lost some of their responsibilities following the world coffee crisis. The Caisse was in the end eliminated while FEDECAFE struggled to remain in existence. Along the way, both entities faced protests from disgruntled coffee producers, who organized politically for the first time in their nations' histories. I argue that the outcome for the parastatals depended in part on the conditions of their formation, particularly the level of societal involvement in their creation. I also posit that the country's dependence on foreign aid played a key role in the fate of the parastatals. ^ This dissertation concludes that developments in the Colombian and Ivoirian coffee sectors have significantly contributed to the creation of the difficult political and economic conditions of both countries today. ^

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The International Coffee Agreements (ICA) involved the majority of nations producing and consuming coffee and provided relative economic stability to the coffee sectors of the exporting Third World countries. This study focuses on the serious impact of the 1989 collapse of the ICA on the domestic coffee sectors of Colombia and Cote d'Ivoire. In particular, the dissertation examines the role of the Colombian and Ivoirian coffee parastatals, the Federacion Nacional de Cafeteros de Colombia and the Caisse de Stabilisation et Soutien des Prix des Produits Agricoles, during the crisis and their transformation by it. The theoretical framework employed in this study is borrowed from the literature on state-society relations. The methodology includes: in-depth analysis of the historical roles of the parastatal agencies in coffee production, state-society relations and economic development in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire; interviews with parastatal administrators, producers and other knowledgeable informants in both countries; and a comprehensive review of newspaper articles and official statements of coffee policy published in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire prior to, during, and after the crisis. The Colombian and Ivoirian coffee sectors and their producers faced serious economic and social problems following the drop in coffee prices. The coffee parastatals in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire first lost some of their responsibilities following the world coffee crisis. The Caisse was in the end eliminated while FEDECAFE struggled to remain in existence. Along the way, both entities faced protests from disgruntled coffee producers, who organized politically for the first time in their nations' histories. I argue that the outcome for the parastatals depended in part on the conditions of their formation, particularly the level of societal involvement in their creation. I also posit that the country's dependence on foreign aid played a key role in the fate of the parastatals. This dissertation concludes that developments in the Colombian and Ivoirian coffee sectors have significantly contributed to the creation of the difficult political and economic conditions of both countries today.

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Background: Reablement, also known as restorative care, is one possible approach to home-care services for older adults at risk of functional decline. Unlike traditional home-care services, reablement is frequently time-limited (usually six to 12 weeks) and aims to maximise independence by offering an intensive multidisciplinary, person-centred and goal-directed intervention. Objectives:Objectives To assess the effects of time-limited home-care reablement services (up to 12 weeks) for maintaining and improving the functional independence of older adults (aged 65 years or more) when compared to usual home-care or wait-list control group. Search methods:We searched the following databases with no language restrictions during April to June 2015: the Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials (CENTRAL); MEDLINE (OvidSP); Embase (OvidSP); PsycINFO (OvidSP); ERIC; Sociological Abstracts; ProQuest Dissertations and Theses; CINAHL (EBSCOhost); SIGLE (OpenGrey); AgeLine and Social Care Online. We also searched the reference lists of relevant studies and reviews as well as contacting authors in the field.Selection criteria:We included randomised controlled trials (RCTs), cluster randomised or quasi-randomised trials of time-limited reablement services for older adults (aged 65 years or more) delivered in their home; and incorporated a usual home-care or wait-list control group. Data collection and analysis:Two authors independently assessed studies for inclusion, extracted data, assessed the risk of bias of individual studies and considered quality of the evidence using GRADE. We contacted study authors for additional information where needed.Main results:Two studies, comparing reablement with usual home-care services with 811 participants, met our eligibility criteria for inclusion; we also identified three potentially eligible studies, but findings were not yet available. One included study was conducted in Western Australia with 750 participants (mean age 82.29 years). The second study was conducted in Norway (61 participants; mean age 79 years). We are very uncertain as to the effects of reablement compared with usual care as the evidence was of very low quality for all of the outcomes reported. The main findings were as follows. Functional status: very low quality evidence suggested that reablement may be slightly more effective than usual care in improving function at nine to 12 months (lower scores reflect greater independence; standardised mean difference (SMD) -0.30; 95% confidence interval (CI) -0.53 to -0.06; 2 studies with 249 participants). Adverse events: reablement may make little or no difference to mortality at 12 months’ follow-up (RR 0.97; 95% CI 0.74 to 1.29; 2 studies with 811 participants) or rates of unplanned hospital admission at 24 months (RR 0.94; 95% CI 0.85 to 1.03; 1 study with 750 participants). The very low quality evidence also means we are uncertain whether reablement may influence quality of life (SMD -0.23; 95% CI -0.48 to 0.02; 2 trials with 249 participants) or living arrangements (RR 0.92, 95% CI 0.62 to 1.34; 1 study with 750 participants) at time points up to 12 months. People receiving reablement may be slightly less likely to have been approved for a higher level of personal care than people receiving usual care over the 24 months’ follow-up (RR 0.87; 95% CI 0.77 to 0.98; 1 trial, 750 participants). Similarly, although there may be a small reduction in total aggregated home and healthcare costs over the 24-month follow-up (reablement: AUD 19,888; usual care: AUD 22,757; 1 trial with 750 participants), we are uncertain about the size and importance of these effects as the results were based on very low quality evidence. Neither study reported user satisfaction with the serviceAuthors’ conclusions:There is considerable uncertainty regarding the effects of reablement as the evidence was of very low quality according to our GRADE ratings. Therefore, the effectiveness of reablement services cannot be supported or refuted until more robust evidence becomes available. There is an urgent need for high quality trials across different health and social care systems due to the increasingly high profile of reablement services in policy and practice in several countries. 

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Objective: To assess depressive symptoms in men deprived from freedom in a prison in a Colombian intermediate city. Material and Method: A cross sectional study was performed on a sample of three hundred and three patients in the Medium Security penitentiary and Prison Facility of the city of Manizales between April and May 2014. The information was collected through the Zung self-rating depression scale (SDS), subsequently there were established the positive results for depression screening according to the final score of the scale. Results: 303 men deprived from freedom were evaluated, mean age of 32.96 years +/- 10.8 years, 43.5% were living in cohabitation, 38% were single and 10.2% married; 33.7% had a primary education, 58% had secondary or incomplete secondary education, 5.6% reported higher studies; 38.6% (95% CI: 35.8; 41.4) reported symptoms of depression, predominating in ages between 18 to 44 years, no statistically significant differences p> 0.05 between the variables analyzed were found. Conclusions: The results of this study give rise to clinical evaluation, by specialized staff in the area of psychiatry and his intervention, given the characteristics of self-reported depression for this population.

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The purpose of this thesis was to explore how Christian networks enable strategies of transnational alliance, whereby groups in different nations strive to strengthen one another’s leverage and credibility in order to resolve conflicts and elaborate new possibilities. This research does so by analyzing the case of the Presbyterian Church of Colombia (IPC). The project examines the historical development of the IPC from the initial missionary period of the 1850s until the present. Specifically, the purpose of the study was to consider how the historical struggle to articulate autonomy and equality vis-à-vis the U.S. Presbyterians (PCUSA) and paternalist models of ecclesial relations has affected recent political strategies pursued by the IPC. Despite the paternalism of the early missionary model, changing conceptions of social transformation during the 60s contributed to a shift in relations. Over time the IPC and PCUSA negotiated relationships in which groups both acknowledge a problematic history and insist upon an ethnic of partnership and respect. Today, PCUSA groups, in concert with the IPC, collaborate on a range of transnational political strategies aimed at strengthening the IPC’s leverage in local struggles for justice and peace. A review of this case suggests that long-established Christian networks may have an advantage over other civil society groups such as NGOs in facilitating strategies of transnational alliance. Although civil society organizations often have better access to important resources needed for international advocacy initiatives, Christian networks, such as the one established between the IPC and U.S. Presbyterian communities, rely on a history of negotiating power-disparity in order to elaborate relationships based on listening and partnership. Such findings prove important not only to how we conceptualize transnational alliance but also to the ways that we think about the history and future of Christian networks.

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Background: Reablement, also known as restorative care, is one possible approach to home-care services for older adults at risk of functional decline. Unlike traditional home-care services, reablement is frequently time-limited (usually six to 12 weeks) and aims to maximise independence by offering an intensive multidisciplinary, person-centred and goal-directed intervention. Objectives: To assess the effects of time-limited home-care reablement services (up to 12 weeks) for maintaining and improving the functional independence of older adults (aged 65 years or more) when compared to usual home-care or wait-list control group. Search methods: We searched the following databases with no language restrictions during April to June 2015: the Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials (CENTRAL); MEDLINE (OvidSP); Embase (OvidSP); PsycINFO (OvidSP); ERIC; Sociological Abstracts; ProQuest Dissertations and Theses; CINAHL (EBSCOhost); SIGLE (OpenGrey); AgeLine and Social Care Online. We also searched the reference lists of relevant studies and reviews as well as contacting authors in the field. Selection criteria: We included randomised controlled trials (RCTs), cluster randomised or quasi-randomised trials of time-limited reablement services for older adults (aged 65 years or more) delivered in their home; and incorporated a usual home-care or wait-list control group. Data collection and analysis: Two authors independently assessed studies for inclusion, extracted data, assessed the risk of bias of individual studies and considered quality of the evidence using GRADE. We contacted study authors for additional information where needed. Main results: Two studies, comparing reablement with usual home-care services with 811 participants, met our eligibility criteria for inclusion; we also identified three potentially eligible studies, but findings were not yet available. One included study was conducted in Western Australia with 750 participants (mean age 82.29 years). The second study was conducted in Norway (61 participants; mean age 79 years). We are very uncertain as to the effects of reablement compared with usual care as the evidence was of very low quality for all of the outcomes reported. The main findings were as follows. Functional status: very low quality evidence suggested that reablement may be slightly more effective than usual care in improving function at nine to 12 months (lower scores reflect greater independence; standardised mean difference (SMD) -0.30; 95% confidence interval (CI) -0.53 to -0.06; 2 studies with 249 participants). Adverse events: reablement may make little or no difference to mortality at 12 months' follow-up (RR 0.97; 95% CI 0.74 to 1.29; 2 studies with 811 participants) or rates of unplanned hospital admission at 24 months (RR 0.94; 95% CI 0.85 to 1.03; 1 study with 750 participants). The very low quality evidence also means we are uncertain whether reablement may influence quality of life (SMD -0.23; 95% CI -0.48 to 0.02; 2 trials with 249 participants) or living arrangements (RR 0.92, 95% CI 0.62 to 1.34; 1 study with 750 participants) at time points up to 12 months. People receiving reablement may be slightly less likely to have been approved for a higher level of personal care than people receiving usual care over the 24 months' follow-up (RR 0.87; 95% CI 0.77 to 0.98; 1 trial, 750 participants). Similarly, although there may be a small reduction in total aggregated home and healthcare costs over the 24-month follow-up (reablement: AUD 19,888; usual care: AUD 22,757; 1 trial with 750 participants), we are uncertain about the size and importance of these effects as the results were based on very low quality evidence. Neither study reported user satisfaction with the service. Authors' conclusions: There is considerable uncertainty regarding the effects of reablement as the evidence was of very low quality according to our GRADE ratings. Therefore, the effectiveness of reablement services cannot be supported or refuted until more robust evidence becomes available. There is an urgent need for high quality trials across different health and social care systems due to the increasingly high profile of reablement services in policy and practice in several countries.

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Este estudio presenta un análisis exploratorio sobre la correlación entre la fortaleza institucional, las condiciones de paz, y el emprendimiento en una muestra de 23 departamentos en Colombia usando datos de 2014. Para llevar a cabo este objetivo se propusieron y construyeron tres índices siguiendo definiciones conceptuales seminales o estándares de evaluación internacional, a saber: 1) El Índice de Fortaleza Institucional, 2) El Índice de Construcción de Paz (construido a partir del índice de paz negativa y el índice de paz positiva) y 3) El Índice de Emprendimiento Productivo. Los resultados no muestran una correlación significativa entre todos los tres índices. Por un lado, existe una correlación significativa (p<0.05) entre los índices de fortaleza institucional y emprendimiento productivo. Por otro lado, existen correlaciones negativas no significativas entre los índices de paz positiva y fortaleza institucional, emprendimiento productivo y paz positiva y emprendimiento productivo y construcción de paz. En un segundo acercamiento, la población de los departamentos fue la variable con mayor número de correlaciones significativas (p<0.01) entre variables relacionadas con emprendimiento productivo, empleo, producto interno bruto, sofisticación industrial, innovación (patentes) y crimen. Finalmente, se discuten las conclusiones y las futuras investigaciones.

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En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.

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En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.

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En este trabajo me propongo analizar la influencia de la revolución de Haití en las independencias de Venezuela y Colombia durante los años 1804-1825. Miintención es demostrar que las repercusiones del proceso haitiano fueron vastas, complejas y sufrieron importantes cambios durante el transcurso de los años. En líneas generales, la revolución generó pánico entre las elites criollas y peninsulares y esperanzas entre grupos de esclavos y pardos. Inicialmente los sectores criollos revolucionarios buscaron evitar todo contacto con la isla y eludir el modelo insurgente haitiano por considerar que produciría en la Tierra Firme una "guerra de razas" y una hecatombe similar a la que, en su opinión, allí había acontecido. Sin embargo, a partir de 1812-1813 debido a las dificultades de la guerra de independencia una fracción de la elite criolla comenzó a estrechar vínculos con la República del Sur de Haití a través de contactos diplomáticos y corsarios. Estas primeras relaciones, más bien tímidas, fueron la condición de posibilidad de un cambio importante que sobrevino en 1816. En dicho año, debido a la reconquista de la expedición realista, la mayoría de los líderes independentistas huyeron de Tierra Firme y tuvieron que exiliarse en Haití, uno de los pocos lugares donde encontraron refugio y apoyo. En aquel contexto, se dio el pacto entre Alexandre Petión y Simón Bolívar, por el cual el primero se comprometió a aportar armas, barcos y hombres a la causa patriota a cambio de la emancipación de los esclavos hispanoamericanos. Este acuerdo fue fundamental ya que no sólo posibilitó la exitosa contraofensiva independentista, sino que además le dio un cariz social al proceso revolucionario de Venezuela y Colombia. Así, a partir de 1816 y hasta 1821, se dieron numerosos contactos e incluso el gobierno de Jean Pierre Boyer (sucesor de Alexandre Petión) colaboró con otras dos expediciones a cargo de Gregor Mac Gregor para liberar Panamá y Río Hacha. Sin embargo, el cambio no fue total y aún durante estos años, los líderes criollos continuaron teniendo reparos frente al peligro de la explosión de un nuevo Haití en la Tierra Firme hispana. Por último, el fin de la guerra de independencia abrió un nuevo contexto en el cual aquellos miedos se intensificaron debido a la movilización social interna. Esto derivó en nuevo alejamiento y el gobierno de Colombia no sólo se negó a mantener relaciones con Haití, sino que incluso lo excluyó del Congreso de Panamá.

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Our aim was to determine the normative reference values of cardiorespiratory fitness (CRF) and to establish the proportion of subjects with low CRF suggestive of future cardio-metabolic risk.

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Worldwide corporate collapses in the past have highlighted various weaknesses in corporate governance, which included auditor independence. This thesis advocates the use of private interest theory as a framework to evaluate proposals for law reform related to the independence of external company auditors. This study argues that the current regulation of auditor independence falls short of the 'ideal independence' required by the general public. This is because the regulation was developed, in some instances, to serve the private interests of powerful lobby groups rather than the public interest. This research concludes that there is a case for reform of the existing requirements in the Corporations Act 2001 (Cth) in respect of auditor independence.

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Research into boards traditionally focuses on independent monitoring of management, with studies focused on the effect of board independence on firm performance. This thesis aims to broaden the research tradition by consolidating prior research and investigating how agents may circumvent independent monitoring. Meta-analysis of previous board independence-firm performance studies indicated no systematic relationship between board independence and firm performance. Next, a series of experiments demonstrated that the presentation of recommendations to directors may bias decision making irrespective of other information presented and the independence of the decision maker. Together, results suggest that independence may be less important than the agent's motivation to misdirect the monitoring process.

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Kuznetsov independence of variables X and Y means that, for any pair of bounded functions f(X) and g(Y), E[f(X)g(Y)]=E[f(X)] *times* E[g(Y)], where E[.] denotes interval-valued expectation and *times* denotes interval multiplication. We present properties of Kuznetsov independence for several variables, and connect it with other concepts of independence in the literature; in particular we show that strong extensions are always included in sets of probability distributions whose lower and upper expectations satisfy Kuznetsov independence. We introduce an algorithm that computes lower expectations subject to judgments of Kuznetsov independence by mixing column generation techniques with nonlinear programming. Finally, we define a concept of conditional Kuznetsov independence, and study its graphoid properties.