891 resultados para Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Bibliography: p. 147-160.

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"March 1982."

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DUE TO COPYRIGHT RESTRICTIONS ONLY AVAILABLE FOR CONSULTATION AT ASTON UNIVERSITY LIBRARY AND INFORMATION SERVICES WITH PRIOR ARRANGEMENT

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In this project, I defend a restorative theory of criminal justice. I argue that the response to criminal wrongdoing in a just society should take the form of an attempt to heal the damage done to the community resulting from crime. I argue that the moral responsibilities of wrongdoers as wrongdoers ought to provide the framework for how a just society should respond to crime. Following the work of R.A. Duff, I argue that wrongdoers incur second-order duties of moral recognition. Wrongdoers owe it to others to recognize their wrongdoing for what it is, i.e. wrongdoing, and to shoulder certain burdens in order to express their repentant recognition to others via a meaningful apology. In short, wrongdoers owe it to their victims and others in the community to make amends. What I will deny, however, is the now familiar claim in the restorative justice literature that restoring the normative relationships in the community damaged by criminal forms of wrongdoing requires retributive punishment. In my view, how we choose to express the judgement that wrongdoers are blameworthy should flow from an all things considered judgment that is neither reducible to the judgement that the wrongdoer is culpably responsible for wronging others, nor the judgement that the wrongdoer in some basic sense “deserves to suffer” (or “deserves punishment,” etc.).

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This work aims to provide a theoretical examination of three recently created bodies of the United Nations mandated to investigate the alleged international crimes committed in Syria (IIIM), Iraq (UNITAD) and Myanmar (IIMM). Established as a compromise solution in the paralysis of international criminal jurisdictions, these essentially overlapping entities have been depicted as a ‘new generation’ of UN investigative mechanisms. While non-judicial in nature, they depart indeed from traditional commissions of inquiry in several respects due to their increased criminal or ‘quasi-prosecutorial’ character. After clarifying their legal basis and different mandating authorities, a comparative institutional analysis is thus carried out in order to ascertain whether these ‘mechanisms’ can be said to effectively represent a new institutional model. Through an in-depth assessment of their mandates, the thesis is also intended to outline both the strengths and the criticalities of these organs. Given their aim to facilitate criminal proceedings by sharing information and case files, it is suggested that more attention shall be paid to the position of the person under investigation. To this end, some proposals are made in order to enhance the mechanisms’ frameworks, especially from the angle of procedural safeguards. As a third aspect, the cooperation with judicial authorities is explored, in order to shed light on the actors involved, the relevant legal instruments and the possible obstacles, in particular from a human rights perspective. Ultimately, drawing from the detected issues, the thesis seeks to identify some lessons learned which could be taken into account in case of creation of new ad hoc investigative mechanisms or of a permanent institution of this kind.

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The Spanish judicial system is independent and headed by the Supreme Court. Spain has a civil law system. The criminal procedure is governed by the legality principle--by opposition to the opportunity or expediency principle--which implies that prosecution must take place in all cases in which sufficient evidence exists of guilt. Traditionally, the role of the PPS in Spain has been very limited during the investigative stage of the process. That stage is under the responsibility of the Examining Magistrate (EM). Since the end of the 1980s, a series of modifications has been introduced in order to extend the functions of the PPS. In 1988, the PPS received extended competences which allow them to receive reports of offenses. Upon knowing of an offense (reported or known to have been committed), the PPS can initiate the criminal proceeding. The PPS is also allowed to lead a sort of plea bargain under a series of restrictive conditions and only for some offenses. At the same time, the PPS received extended competences in the juvenile justice criminal proceeding in 2000. With all this said, the role of the PPS has not changed radically and, during the investigative stage of the process, their main role remains the presentation of the accusation, playing a more active role during the trial stage of the proceeding. In this article the national criminal justice system of Spain is described. Special attention is paid to the function of the PPS within this framework and its relationship to police and courts. The article refers to legal provisions and the factual handling of criminal cases.