El juego recreativo y el deporte social como política de derecho : Su relación con la infancia en condiciones de vulnerabilidad social

Actualmente son reconocidos los beneficios del deporte, la actividad física y la recreación para el desarrollo humano y social de las poblaciones y su afirmación como derechos humanos en diferentes instrumentos legales. Este derecho al deporte y al juego recreativo en la infancia se hace explícito en la Convención de los Derechos del Niño (ONU, 1989), en la Ley de Educación Nacional, y en la Ley de Protección Integral (Ley 26.061). El propósito de este trabajo es estudiar la implementación de políticas públicas mediante el estudio de caso en el Partido de La Matanza, en tres espacios socio-residenciales de villa o asentamientos urbanos, que tuvieron como población participante principal niños/as entre 4 y 14 años. Mediante la triangulación de perspectivas cualitativas se realizó un análisis en paralelo entre el enfoque teórico y metodológico del programa, y las prácticas objetivas desarrolladas en el territorio. Se reconocen los límites que tienen los programas orientados al "deporte social" para traducir en prácticas concretas el ideario del desarrollo humano desde un enfoque de derechos, los desafíos de cobertura y en particular de construcción e implementación de ofertas educativas de calidad en el campo del juego recreativo y el deporte

'Lo sabía, lo sabía, a los pibes los mató la Policía' : Protestas en casos de violencia policial: familiares y militantes en el caso de Damián Lucero

El artículo que aquí presentamos constituye una reflexión en torno a las acciones colectivas de protesta llevadas adelante con motivo del asesinato de Damián Lucero a manos de efectivos de la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, en un barrio de la zona sur de la Ciudad de La Plata en el año 2007. El trabajo aborda las sucesivas acciones de protesta en reclamo de "justicia" que tuvieron lugar con posterioridad a la muerte de Damián, a los fines de identificar a los actores presentes y las diferentes significaciones que estos le otorgan a su presencia en el espacio público, a los horizontes de politización del reclamo y a las concepciones sobre el accionar policial que subyacen. Identificando la tensión presente entre "familiares" y "militantes de organizaciones de derechos humanos", este artículo se nutre de una doble vertiente analítica: las teorías de la acción colectiva (o movimientos sociales) y los estudios en torno las conformaciones institucionales de las policías en la Argentina democrática.

Análisis y prospectiva del sector Desarrollo Rural y Seguridad Alimentaria Nutricional desde el enfoque de la Cooperación Española Internacional al Desarrollo

Esta investigación nace de la necesidad de aunar el máximo conocimiento sobre el sector Desarrollo Rural, Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutrición en la Cooperación Española, tanto desde un punto de vista teórico como práctico, que facilite, por un lado, precisar los límites que abarca el sector, conceptuales y de aplicación, mejorando la eficiencia y eficacia de las intervenciones en él, y por otro, conformar una prospectiva del mismo. La tesis propone una metodología de investigación-acción, puesto que por la propia posición de trabajo de la investigadora en la AECID y en el sector, esta es, a la vez, objeto y actora de la realidad vivida y del cambio a futuro. Para el trabajo de campo se ha contado con un importante grupo de expertos en la materia, que han participado en talleres de reflexión y en la encuesta Delphi, así como con una serie de entrevistas en profundidad. El requisito de contar con un marco teórico en el que se sustente el sector es esencial y el capítulo IV contempla este, partiendo de los antecedentes y marco normativo de la política de cooperación española, substancialmente la Ley de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo, pasando por los principales instrumentos de planificación de esta política: Planes Directores, Estrategias sectoriales y Plan de Actuación Sectorial de Desarrollo Rural y Lucha contra el Hambre. Se puntualiza la cooperación reembolsable en el sector, y se repasan las principales actuaciones que han tenido lugar en el contexto internacional con especial hincapié en la crisis provocada por la subida del precio de los alimentos y las medidas más significativas que se tomaron para combatirla, pasando a continuación al proceso post-2015, los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible y la posición española en él. En el marco conceptual se revisan términos tales como Derecho Humano a la Alimentación, Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutrición, Seguridad alimentaria, Seguridad alimentaria nutricional, Soberanía alimentaria, Seguridad alimentaria como Bien Público Mundial, Desarrollo Rural, Desarrollo Rural Territorial, Enfoque Territorial y Resiliencia, concluyendo este apartado con la búsqueda de las interrelaciones entre Seguridad alimentaria, Derecho Humano a la Alimentación y Desarrollo Rural Territorial. El capítulo termina con un breve repaso de lo que hacen en esta materia las principales agencias de Cooperación Internacional de los donantes más importantes del CAD. En el Marco de Aplicación se acomete una comparación de la evolución de la AOD en el marco temporal de la investigación, del 2000 al 2013, concedida al sector por la Cooperación Española en función de los distintos subsectores y también una comparativa de la ayuda otorgada por los principales donantes del CAD para este mismo periodo. Posteriormente se examinan las intervenciones centrales de la Cooperación Española en Derecho Humano a la Alimentación con la sociedad civil, con la FAO y con el relator especial de NNUU para el Derecho a la Alimentación, Seguridad Alimentaria Nutricional, destacando el Fondo España-ODM y el Programa Especial de Seguridad Alimentaria (PESA)y Desarrollo Rural Territorial , sobre el proyecto EXPIDER I y II (Experiencias de desarrollo local rural en América Latina) , y el proyecto PIDERAL ( Proyecto de políticas innovadoras de desarrollo de los territorios rurales en América Latina ) y tres intervenciones con enfoque regional como son :La Iniciativa América Latina y Caribe sin Hambre (IALCSH), la Estrategia Centroamericana de Desarrollo Rural Territorial (ECADERT) y la intervención de la Cooperación Española apoyando la Política Agraria de la CEDEAO. La investigación empírica esencialmente con un enfoque cualitativo, se examina y detalla en el capítulo VI, reflejándose las principales conclusiones de la misma en el capítulo del mismo nombre, tras haber contrastado las hipótesis formuladas y posteriormente cotejar las aplicaciones prácticas de la tesis y proponer posibles nuevas líneas de investigación. ABSTRACT This research stems from the need to combine the best knowledge about the Rural Development, Food Security and Nutrition sectors in Spanish Cooperation, both from a theoretical and practical point of view, that enables, on the one hand, to specify the limits that the sector covers, both conceptual and of implementation, improving the efficiency and effectiveness of interventions in it, and on the other, shape the future thereof. The thesis proposes a methodology of research-action, which is the AECID researcher´s own position in the sector, being at the same time, both researcher and participant of the reality experienced and future change. The field work benefitted from the support of a major group of experts in the field, who participated in reflection workshops, the Delphi survey and a series of in-depth interviews. The requirement for a theoretical framework that sustains the sector is essential and Chapter IV provides for this, starting with the background and legal framework of the policy of Spanish cooperation, essentially the International Development Cooperation Law, through the main instruments of policy planning: Master Plans; sectorial strategies; the Sectorial Action Plan for Rural Development; Fight against hunger. Refundable cooperation in the sector is specified, and the key actions that have taken place in the international context with special emphasis on the crisis caused by rising food prices and the most significant measures taken to combat it are reviewed. Then continuing with the post-2015 process, the Sustainable Development Objectives and the Spanish position in them. Conceptional framework terms such as Human Right to Food, Food Security and Nutrition, Food Security, Nutritional Food Security, Food Sovereignty, Food Security as a global public good, Rural Development, Rural Regional Development, Regional Approach and Resilience are reviewed, ending this section with the search for the interrelationship between Food Security, Human Right to Food and Rural Regional Development. The chapter ends with a brief overview of what the main agencies for International Cooperation of the major DAC donors do in this area. In the implementation framework, a comparison is provided of the evolution of the ODA within the time frame of the investigation, from 2000 to 2013, granted to the sector by the Spanish Cooperation in terms of the various subsectors and also a comparison is made of the support provided by the DAC's major donors for the same period. Subsequently the core interventions of Spanish Cooperation in the Human Right to Food with civil society, with FAO and the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Food Security Nutrition are examined, highlighting the Spain MDG Fund and the Special Programme for Food Security (PESA) and Regional Rural Development on the EXPIDER I and II project (Rural local development experiences in Latin America), and the PIDERAL project (Innovative policy development project of rural areas in Latin America) and three regionally focused interventions such as: the Latin America and Caribbean without Hunger (HFLACI) Initiative, the Central American Strategy for Rural Development (ECADERT) and the intervention of the Spanish Cooperation to support the ECOWAS Agricultural Policy. Empirical research, essentially with a qualitative approach, is examined and detailed in Chapter VI, reflecting the main conclusions of the investigation in the chapter of the same name, after having contrasted the ideas put forward, and then later compares the practical applications of the thesis and proposes possible new lines of research.

Inclusão social no meio universitário: o discurso e a vivência cotidiana do estudante na EACH-USP

A educação, enquanto um direito fundamental do homem, vem passando por processo de reconhecimento no decorrer da formação da sociedade, sua importância no exercício da cidadania e na garantia de direitos, atualmente é indiscutível, bem como propiciar a diminuição das desigualdades sociais. A Universidade São Paulo, vem implantando programas de inclusão social para estudantes oriundos da escola pública e os seus principais programas são o Programa de Inclusão Social da USP (INCLUSP), que tem previsto desde bônus nas notas do vestibular até outros mecanismos de acréscimo de bônus no vestibular, bem como o Programa de Apoio à Permanência e Formação Estudantil (PAPFE), com seus auxílios financeiros aos estudantes carentes. Evidente que estas iniciativas são louváveis, porém na prática cotidiana como assistente social, nos deparamos com as lutas diárias destes estudantes, as dificuldades que encontram para cumprir com as exigências acadêmicas. Propusemos, com este estudo sistematizar, analisar e teorizar o discurso da universidade confrontando-o com os relatos dos estudantes que foram contemplados por estes programas. Constatamos que a permanência estudantil abrange não só os aspectos materiais, mas bem como os aspectos simbólicos, desse modo não é garantida a inclusão social do estudante apenas com o auxílio financeiro, pois a exclusão social intramuros na universidade permanece

Enlaces e entraves para a soberania alimentar e nutricional: movimentos sociais no contexto das relações Brasil-Moçambique nas áreas de alimentação e agricultura

O Brasil tem se apresentado como importante parceiro de Moçambique na execução de projetos por meio da cooperação internacional, notadamente nas áreas afetas à segurança alimentar e nutricional. Há uma forte atuação das empresas brasileiras em setores estratégicos. Uma ampla articulação de atores sociais no país tem apontado caminhos alternativos para enfrentar os desafios do desenvolvimento e globalização. Propõe-se a compreensão sobre a atuação dos movimentos sociais moçambicanos neste contexto. O estudo reconstituiu as definições de segurança alimentar e nutricional e soberania alimentar, identificando seu processo de construção, atores envolvidos e diferentes apropriações. Procurou conhecer as ameaças e desafios à realização do direito humano à alimentação. E, ainda, analisou as práticas sociais em curso, suas características, impasses e conquistas no âmbito local e internacional. Com base na metodologia qualitativa procedeu-se o estudo e análise documental, a realização de visitas técnicas para compreensão do contexto local e a aplicação de entrevistas compreensivas com participantes de movimentos e organizações sociais de Moçambique nas Províncias (Estados) de Maputo e Nampula, ao Sul e Norte, respectivamente. Observou que os movimentos e organizações sociais destinam atenção em graus diferentes em relação às iniciativas desenvolvidas pelo Brasil, possuindo maior relevância as ações em torno da implantação do Programa para o Desenvolvimento Agrícola no Corredor de Nacala (ProSAVANA), em Nampula. Constatou a fragilidade dos mecanismos de participação e controle social em Moçambique na área de segurança alimentar e nutricional. Evidenciou, também, que há uma incorporação ainda incipiente de aspectos relacionados à nutrição na agenda política dos movimentos e organizações sociais. Concluiu que as experiências em cursos têm consolidado um campo de atuação dinâmico, capaz de intervir em processos internacionais de negociação a partir da realidade local.

Igualdades e diferenças nas políticas educacionais: a agenda das diversidades nos governos Lula e Dilma

Esta pesquisa aborda as chamadas políticas de diversidade na educação e sua contribuição para o reconhecimento e a promoção dos direitos humanos e a superação do racismo, do sexismo, da homofobia e das demais desigualdades e discriminações que marcam profundamente a sociedade e a educação brasileiras. Com base nas vozes de gestores/as públicos/as e ativistas da sociedade civil, na análise documental e da execução orçamentária e na experiência política da pesquisadora, é apresentado um balanço sobre os dez anos de existência da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (Secad), órgão do Ministério da Educação criado no primeiro governo do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em especial, buscou-se identificar as provocações e os tensionamentos gerados pelas agendas das diversidades para o atual desenho, funcionamento e institucionalidade das políticas educacionais e sua influência nas concepções de qualidade educacional em disputa nas políticas federais. Essas disputas estiveram presentes nas Conferências Nacionais de Educação e no processo conflitivo de tramitação do novo Plano Nacional de Educação (Lei Federal n. 13.005/2014), analisados neste trabalho. Respaldado por convenções e pelas resoluções internacionais das Conferências da ONU e por normativas nacionais, o debate sobre diferenças ganhou espaço na agenda das políticas educacionais brasileiras. Essa discussão foi impulsionada por movimentos sociais negros, indígenas, LGBTs, feministas, de trabalhadores do campo, de pessoas com deficiências, de quilombolas, ambientalistas e por agendas de fronteira na efetividade do direito humano à educação, como a educação de jovens e adultos, a educação em territórios de alta vulnerabilidade social e a educação de pessoas privadas de liberdade, entre outras. Apresenta-se, neste trabalho, uma contribuição teórica ao debate sobre a relação entre qualidade educacional, diferenças e igualdades, com base nas teorias críticas de justiça social. Discutem-se as possibilidades de a noção da diversidade constituir uma resposta interseccional às múltiplas discriminações e desigualdades que atingem os sujeitos concretos no cotidiano da vida e, especificamente, nas instituições educacionais. Ao final da tese, embasadas na definição do contexto de estratégia política de Stephen Ball e nas contribuições para o aperfeiçoamento das políticas 14 previstas na metodologia de análise das políticas públicas, são apresentadas reflexões comprometidas com a ampliação da capacidade das políticas educacionais no sentido de dar respostas a essas agendas, em uma perspectiva de promoção da justiça na educação no marco dos direitos humanos.

Educação Alimentar e Nutricional na Atenção Primária à Saúde na perspectiva do profissional não nutricionista

Introdução: O Direito Humano a Alimentação Adequada (DHAA), na perspectiva da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN), destacou-se devido à compreensão dos determinantes para a Promoção da Saúde (PS). A Educação Alimentar e Nutricional (EAN) é uma ferramenta capaz de promover a reflexão dos cidadãos sobre como realizar esse direito. No Brasil, o quadro de insegurança alimentar entre crianças e adolescentes torna os profissionais de saúde da Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS) atores promissores para a reversão desse quadro, já que esses trabalham com os principais influenciadores desse público: a família. Objetivo: Analisar a atuação de profissionais de saúde não nutricionistas coordenadores de grupos educativos com conteúdo de alimentação e nutrição, desenvolvidos na APS do município de São Paulo. Métodos: Estudo qualitativo, com aplicação de entrevistas semiestruturadas e análise por meio do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo. Foram levantados os dados a respeito da formação desses profissionais e identificadas suas percepções sobre seus papéis nos grupos que coordenam e a importância atribuída a eles. Resultados: A profissão dos 21 entrevistados reflete a atual configuração da Estratégia Saúde da Família. Há predominância de profissionais do sexo feminino com pós-graduação em temas de saúde coletiva. Foram identificadas 13 Ideias Centrais dividas em 2 Eixos Temáticos. Levantaram-se percepções contrárias e outras a favor aos referenciais teóricos trabalhados. Como favoráveis, identificou-se a valorização dos grupos como espaços de participação, troca de experiências e criação de vínculo entre seus membros, sendo o coordenador do grupo responsável pela condução desses. A importância na atuação interprofissional para o atendimento integral à saúde e atualização entre os profissionais também foi destacada. Já as desfavoráveis trouxeram a desvalorização das atividades em grupo, ou a atribuição de sua importância como forma de acesso a serviços, medicamentos ou informação, a identificação dos coordenadores como responsáveis por mudanças de comportamentos nos participantes, modelos a serem seguidos, e sendo considerados detentores do conhecimento, o que parece sobrecarregá-los, desmotivá-los e frustrá-los. Assim, alguns buscam seu reconhecimento trazendo atividades que agradam os usuários, independentemente da constatação das necessidades do território. Conclusões: A percepção dos profissionais parece refletir a forma em que atuam, evidenciando um momento heterogêneo sobre as formas de se abordar os aspectos relacionados à alimentação, além do despreparo para a coordenação de grupos. Dessa forma, recomenda-se a aproximação entre os campos da saúde e da educação, visando práticas mais significativas e libertadoras, bem como a reflexão sobre a formação desses profissionais, já que suas atuações parecem refletir a educação na qual foram moldados. Os princípios da PS, do DHAA, da SAN, da EAN e das características essenciais a um coordenador de grupos, devem ser trabalhados com esses atores, e, para tanto, como produto dessa pesquisa, sugeriu-se um curso de atualização.

The 2011 Constitutional reform in Morocco: more flaws than merits. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 07/2014

Introduction. In the speech given to both Houses of Parliament on 11 October 2013 during the first parliamentary session, King Mohammed VI said that the “Moroccan democratic model” was “a precursor in the region as well as on the continental level.”1 Similarly, with the purpose of stressing the “democratic exceptionalism”2 of the country, the new government, led by Abdeilah Benkirane, emphasised that Morocco represents a “third way” compared to countries such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt since it “…has not embarked on a limited process of reform from the top, driven and controlled by the King. Nor has it experienced a revolution brought a angry citizens rising up against the regime. Rather, it has chosen an alternate path based on a genuine partnership between the King and the PJD (Parti de la justice et du développement) that promises to bring about more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took place in Morocco was considered an extremely positive step taken by the country, as well as a means to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Indeed, according to the High Representative Catherine Ashton, this reform “constitute[s] a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people and [is] consistent with Morocco’s Advanced Status with the EU.”7 When it comes to the media, it is worth noting that following the ratification of the 2011 Constitution, The New York Times headlined: “All Hail the (Democratic) King.” Even sections of the academic literature have commended the constitutional reform carried out by the Moroccan Sovereign.9 In this paper I argue against the aforementioned idea, according to which Morocco should be considered a model in the region, and in particular I show that the constitution-making process, the 2011 Constitution and its subsequent implementation have more flaws than merits. Accordingly, this paper proceeds in five steps. First of all, I examine the reaction of the regime to the upheavals that broke out in the country after 20 February 2011. Secondly, I analyse the process of constitution showing its main strengths and weaknesses, and comparing it with other constituent processes that took place in the region following the Arab uprisings. In the third section, I highlight the most significant elements of continuity and discontinuity with the previous 1996 Constitution. The fourth section deals with the process of implementation: specifically process is proceeding quite slowly and that in some cases ordinary legislation is in contrast with the new Constitution and international human rights treaties. Moreover, I discuss the role that the judiciary and the Constitutional Court can play in the implementation and interpretation of the Constitution. Finally, I draw some concluding remarks.

Emerging roles of urotensin-II in cardiovascular disease

Urotensin-II (UII) is a highly potent endogenous peptide within the cardiovascular system. Through stimulation of Galphaq-coupled UT receptors, UII mediates contraction of vascular smooth muscle and endothelial-dependent vasorelaxation, and positive inotropy in human right atrium and ventricle. A pathogenic role of the UT receptor system is emerging in cardiovascular disease states, with evidence for upregulation of the UT receptor system in patients with congestive heart failure (CHF), pulmonary hypertension, cirrhosis and portal hypertension, and chronic renal failure. In vitro and in vivo studies show that under pathophysiological conditions, UII might contribute to cardiomyocyte hypertrophy, extracellular matrix production, enhanced vasoconstriction, vascular smooth muscle cell hyperplasia, and endothelial cell hyper-permeability. Single nucleotide polymorphisms of the UII gene may also impart a genetic predisposition of patients to diabetes. Therefore, the UT receptor system is a potential therapeutic target in the treatment of cardiac, pulmonary, and renal diseases. UT receptor antagonists are currently being developed to prevent and/or reverse the effects of over-activated UT receptors by the endogenous ligand. This review describes UII peptide and converting enzymes, and UT receptors in the cardiovascular system, focusing on pathophysiological roles of UII in the heart and blood vessels. (C) 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved,

Simulation of Brugada syndrome using cellular and three-dimensional whole-heart modeling approaches

Brugada syndrome (BS) is a genetic disease identified by an abnormal electrocardiogram ( ECG) ( mainly abnormal ECGs associated with right bundle branch block and ST-elevation in right precordial leads). BS can lead to increased risk of sudden cardiac death. Experimental studies on human ventricular myocardium with BS have been limited due to difficulties in obtaining data. Thus, the use of computer simulation is an important alternative. Most previous BS simulations were based on animal heart cell models. However, due to species differences, the use of human heart cell models, especially a model with three-dimensional whole-heart anatomical structure, is needed. In this study, we developed a model of the human ventricular action potential (AP) based on refining the ten Tusscher et al (2004 Am. J. Physiol. Heart Circ. Physiol. 286 H1573 - 89) model to incorporate newly available experimental data of some major ionic currents of human ventricular myocytes. These modified channels include the L-type calcium current (ICaL), fast sodium current (I-Na), transient outward potassium current (I-to), rapidly and slowly delayed rectifier potassium currents (I-Kr and I-Ks) and inward rectifier potassium current (I-Ki). Transmural heterogeneity of APs for epicardial, endocardial and mid-myocardial (M) cells was simulated by varying the maximum conductance of IKs and Ito. The modified AP models were then used to simulate the effects of BS on cellular AP and body surface potentials using a three-dimensional dynamic heart - torso model. Our main findings are as follows. (1) BS has little effect on the AP of endocardial or mid-myocardial cells, but has a large impact on the AP of epicardial cells. (2) A likely region of BS with abnormal cell AP is near the right ventricular outflow track, and the resulting ST-segment elevation is located in the median precordium area. These simulation results are consistent with experimental findings reported in the literature. The model can reproduce a variety of electrophysiological behaviors and provides a good basis for understanding the genesis of abnormal ECG under the condition of BS disease.

Conceptions of health held by Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and Papua New Guinea health care students

Health is considered to be a fundamental human right. Concurrently health is assumed to be a global social goal (Bloom, 1987) yet many third-world countries and some sub-populations within developed countries do not enjoy a healthy existence. The research reported in this paper examined the conceptions of health, conceptions of illness and health practices for a group of Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander, and Papua New Guinea university students studying health science courses. Results found three conceptions of health and three conceptions of illness that showed these students held traditional/cultural and Western beliefs about health and health practices. These findings may contribute to the development of health care courses that are more specific to how these students understand health. This may also serve to improve the educational status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and potentially improve the health status within these communities (author abstract)

Globalisation and security in the Taiwan Straits

Only recently the Sino-Taiwanese issue has again been in the headlines of the international media. On Saturday, 3 August 2002, Taiwan's President Chen Shui-bian insisted in a passionate speech that there is 'one country on each side' of the Taiwan Strait. He went even further by calling for new legislation that would allow a referendum to be held on changing the island's current international status, saying that this would be a 'basic human right'. Chen's remarks resulted in a furious response from the mainland. Although the conflict between Beijing and Taipei can be interpreted as a legacy of the Chinese Civil War, the tensions intensified during the 1990s. The following article suggests that the linkages and dynamics between the globalization process and international security are increasingly important for a better understanding of the development of relations at the international level in general and in the China-Taiwan conflict in particular.

The new Jamaican migration : implications for theory and practice

While analysis of the effect which education and migration have on development is neither clear cut, nor obvious, regimes such as those of Jamaica have traditionally placed great emphasis on development through education at all levels. The process of human resource development and the accumulation of human capital is intended to unlock the door to modernization. Nevertheless, our findings indicate a considerable loss of professional and skilled personnel -- the same group that embody a disproportionate amount of educational expenditure relative to the population. Insofar as planning is concerned this migration represents a negative factor. The developing country of Jamaica is unintentionally supplying the developed world with an "annual gift" of human capital which its economy cannot afford. The major issue becomes: to what extent can any government "protect" its investments by restricting movements of capital and people. The general assumption of this paper is that the question of human rights cannot be ignored especially in democracies (which Jamaica decidedly is), where movement is seen as an ingrained human right. During the 1970s and 1980s, Jamaica and the Caribbean as a whole has lost much through intellectual capital migrations. Yet brains may also die in their own environment, if deprived the ability to create their own criteria and goals. Forcing people to stay with their money and know-how may only serve to produce and economic environment overgrown with weeds of lethargy, indolence and mediocrity.

Ética da alimentação: porque devemos, segundo Kant, escolher uma alimentação adequada e saudável

This thesis proposes the adoption of a practical and philosophic approach to the discussion about what should be a healthy food, in view of the actual problems concerning this subject (from famine to obesity), which affect food and nutritional security and constitute target of many official policies. In order to handle this task, this work resorts to ethic, pedagogical and anthropological concepts inherent to Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, as valuable contributions to the practice of the professional nutritionist committed to the support and accomplishment of the human right to adequate nutrition (DHAA). Under this assumption, it intends to surpass the prevailing idea inside the social programs and policies favoring the utilitarian argument. It considers rather that a healthy food is also a duty of virtue, according to the Kantian duties to one-self. The liberation of transgenic seeds in Brazil comes up as an example of the violation of the right to food security and affects it negatively, resulting from the conflict between politics and moral faced by the Brazilian government. This paper concludes that DHAA realization requires not only a committed state, but also committed citizens and suggests that Kant’s philosophy should offer important contributions to supporting the practice of the professional nutritionist, awarding him the necessary information about this matter.

Ética da alimentação: porque devemos, segundo Kant, escolher uma alimentação adequada e saudável

This thesis proposes the adoption of a practical and philosophic approach to the discussion about what should be a healthy food, in view of the actual problems concerning this subject (from famine to obesity), which affect food and nutritional security and constitute target of many official policies. In order to handle this task, this work resorts to ethic, pedagogical and anthropological concepts inherent to Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, as valuable contributions to the practice of the professional nutritionist committed to the support and accomplishment of the human right to adequate nutrition (DHAA). Under this assumption, it intends to surpass the prevailing idea inside the social programs and policies favoring the utilitarian argument. It considers rather that a healthy food is also a duty of virtue, according to the Kantian duties to one-self. The liberation of transgenic seeds in Brazil comes up as an example of the violation of the right to food security and affects it negatively, resulting from the conflict between politics and moral faced by the Brazilian government. This paper concludes that DHAA realization requires not only a committed state, but also committed citizens and suggests that Kant’s philosophy should offer important contributions to supporting the practice of the professional nutritionist, awarding him the necessary information about this matter.