291 resultados para HEARN, LAFCADIO


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Digital creatives are spread widely across the economy, and growing rapidly in number. New industries such as mobile applications (apps) development are creating new occupations and services, and transforming some older ones. Digital creatives are driving innovation and economic growth in these industries and service sectors. Digital technologies and processes are becoming increasingly important in virtually all spheres of creative work, as they are across the economy. And yet there is no broad agreement either in Australia or worldwide about the constitution of the digital creative grouping, and only limited understanding of both the role of creatives in the digital economy and innovation, and of the issues and challenges they face. Who are they? Where are they working? Where are their numbers growing? The answers to these questions will help to inform the development of policy and the fostering of an environment that promotes digital content and creativity.

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This chapter explores the roles and functions of both digital creative workers and creative services firms in an industry beyond the core creative industries: banking. The chapter focuses on the design and development of apps and mobile websites for smartphones and tablet computers, with examples drawn principally from the Australian banking sector. While it might be assumed that utility and practicality are more critical and more highly valued in apps development for financial services institutions than innovation and aesthetic design, this chapter illustrates the growing importance placed on creative work in this sector.

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The fastest-growing segment of jobs in the creative sector are in those firms that provide creative services to other sectors (Hearn, Goldsmith, Bridgstock, Rodgers 2014, this volume; Cunningham 2014, this volume). There are also a large number of Creative Services (Architecture and Design, Advertising and Marketing, Software and Digital Content occupations) workers embedded in organizations in other industry sectors (Cunningham and Higgs 2009). Ben Goldsmith (2014, this volume) shows, for example, that the Financial Services sector is the largest employer of digital creative talent in Australia. But why should this be? We argue it is because ‘knowledge-based intangibles are increasingly the source of value creation and hence of sustainable competitive advantage (Mudambi 2008, 186). This value creation occurs primarily at the research and development (R and D) and the marketing ends of the supply chain. Both of these areas require strong creative capabilities in order to design for, and to persuade, consumers. It is no surprise that Jess Rodgers (2014, this volume), in a study of Australia’s Manufacturing sector, found designers and advertising and marketing occupations to be the most numerous creative occupations. Greg Hearn and Ruth Bridgstock (2013, forthcoming) suggest ‘the creative heart of the creative economy […] is the social and organisational routines that manage the generation of cultural novelty, both tacit and codified, internal and external, and [cultural novelty’s] combination with other knowledges […] produce and capture value’. 2 Moreover, the main “social and organisational routine” is usually a team (for example, Grabher 2002; 2004).

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Most persistent organic pollutants (POPs) like polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), a range of polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs) and organochlorine pesticides (OCPs) are readily absorbed (via the ingestion and inhalation) and accumulate in fatty tissue, including adipose tissue and human milk [1]. Health effects related to exposure to these chemicals may include neurological effects, altered functioning of the nervous system and/or endocrine disruption [2-4]. The burden of environmental disease is recognized as much higher for children than adults, especially in young children under 5 years of age worldwide [5]. There is increased concern regarding the environmental impact on the health of children who have been disproportionately affected by environmental problems. For example they may be subjected to relatively higher exposure, have greater physiological susceptibility and/or suffer more extreme consequences due to growth [6-9]. It is therefore worthwhile to assess the correlation between burden of disease and exposure to xenobiotic chemical pollutants like POPs. Such assessment may provide guidance for legislative changes regarding chemical bans and give reliable advice to parents including lactating mothers.

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This chapter is concerned with innovation that involves creative cultural occupations, but not within the creative industries. Rather, we examine the operation of cultural creative occupations that exist outside the creative industries - so-called 'embedded creatives' who work across all industry sectors (Cunningham and Higgs 2009). In doing so, we concur with Bilton (2007) that the separation of creative industries from other industries is a 'false step'. All industries must be innovative; however, they also must be able to combine both scientific and artistic creativity, and that creativity comes from the intersection of different thinking styles (Kurtzberg 2005). Moreover, we suggest that there are now detailed empirical studies, as well as a nascent theoretical base, to suggest that the transdisciplinarity which results from embedded cultural creativity is an engine of growth in the broader economy. Thus, it is relevant to both policymakers and managers. This chapter addresses the following questions: What is the role and significance of the embedded creative? Given a paucity of detailed empirical work in the area to date, what can be deduced from what extant literature there is about the nature of employment and management of these workers? And what are the practical implications of these consideration?

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Increased levels of polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs) can occur particularly in dust and soil surrounding facilities that recycle products containing PBDEs. This may be the source of increased exposure for nearby workers and residents. To investigate, we measured PBDE levels in soil, office dust and blood of workers at the closest workplace (i.e. within 100m) to a large automotive shredding and metal recycling facility in Brisbane, Australia. The workplace investigated in this study was independent of the automotive shredding facility and was one of approximately 50 businesses of varying types within a relatively large commercial/industrial area surrounding the recycling facility. Concentrations of PBDEs in soils were at least an order of magnitude greater than background levels in the area. Congener profiles were dominated by larger molecular weight congeners; in particular BDE-209. This reflected the profile in outdoor air samples previously collected at this site. Biomonitoring data from blood serum indicated no differential exposure for workers near the recycling facility compared to a reference group of office workers, also in Brisbane. Unlike air, indoor dust and soil sample profiles, serum samples from both worker groups were dominated by congeners BDE-47, BDE-153, BDE-99, BDE-100 and BDE-183 and was similar to the profile previously reported in the general Australian population. Estimated exposures for workers near the industrial point source suggested indoor workers had significantly higher exposure than outdoor workers due to their exposure to indoor dust rather than soil. However, no relationship was observed between blood PBDE levels and different roles and activity patterns of workers on-site. These comparisons of PBDE levels in serum provide additional insight into the inter-individual variability within Australia. Results also indicate congener patterns in the workplace environment did not match blood profiles of workers. This was attributed to the relatively high background exposures for the general Australian population via dietary intake and the home environment.

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Human polybrominated diphenyl ether (PBDE) exposure occurs through a range of pathways including: ingestion of dust including hand-to-mouth contact; inhalation (air/particulate matter); and ingestion via food including the unique nutrition sources of human milk and placental transfer. While inhalation has been deemed a minor source of exposure, ingestion of food and dust make greater contributions to overall PBDE body burden with intake via dust reported to be much higher in infants than in adults. PBDEs have been detected in samples of human milk, blood serum, cord blood, and adipose tissue worldwide. Concentrations have been found to be highest in populations from North America, followed by Australia, Europe, and Asia. While factors such as gender and parity may not affect concentrations, occupational exposure and age (infants and children) are associated with higher PBDE concentrations. In contrast to “traditional” persistent organic pollutants, there is an inverse relationship between PBDE body burden and age. Predicted body burden calculated using available information on intake and elimination rates of BFRs appears to underestimate measured human body burden data obtained through analysis of BFRs in blood or human milk. This may be due to unknown exposure or inaccurate elimination data. Further exposure studies should focus on younger age groups and an investigation of human PBDE half-lives.

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Urban agriculture plays an increasingly vital role in supplying food to urban populations. Changes in Information and Communications Technology (ICT) are already driving widespread change in diverse food-related industries such as retail, hospitality and marketing. It is reasonable to suspect that the fields of ubiquitous technology, urban informatics and social media equally have a lot to offer the evolution of core urban food systems. We use communicative ecology theory to describe emerging innovations in urban food systems according to their technical, discursive and social components. We conclude that social media in particular accentuate fundamental social interconnections normally effaced by conventional industrialised approaches to food production and consumption.

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Research shows that approximately half of creative practitioners operate as embedded creatives by securing gainful employment within organisations located in the field beyond their core discipline. This foregrounds the significance of having the skills necessary to successfully cross the disciplinary boundaries in order to negotiate a professional role. The multiple implications of such reframing for emerging creative practitioners who navigate uncertain professional boundaries include developing a skill of identifying and successfully targeting the shifting professional and industry coordinates while remaining responsive to changes. A further implication involves creative practitioners engaging in a continuous cycle of re-negotiation of their professional identity making the management of multiple professional selves - along with creating and recreating a meaningful frame of references such as the language around their emerging practice - a necessary skill. This chapter presents a case study of a set of Work Integrated Learning subjects designed to develop in creative industries practitioners the skills to manage their emerging professional identities in response to the shifts in the professional world.

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Creative occupations exist across the entire economy. The creative worker’s habitus cannot be discovered by looking only in film studios, games companies or artist’s garrets. Work practices, evolved through the traditions of the creative and performing arts, are now deployed to create new services and products across all sectors, to develop process innovations, and to change the distribution thereof. Yet the bulk of academic study of creative work (both functionalist and critical), as well as the content of higher/further professional education programs and everyday understanding of creative workers, focuses on one subset of the Creative Industries: those involved in the production of cultural goods or services (film, television, music etc.) for consumption by the general public. And further, the bulk of existing academic work focuses on those creative workers employed in cultural production industries. However, as recent work has shown, this focus misses both the large (and increasing) number of creative workers embedded in industries beyond the core Creative Industries (for example, manufacturing, banking, mining) and those creative workers and firms that supply services to business as well as to the general public, such as architects, technical writers, and graphic designers (see Cunningham 2013; Potts and Cunningham 2008; Potts, Cunningham, Hartley and Omerod 2008). This book focuses on this subset of very important, and yet under-recognized creative workers: embedded creative workers and providers of creative services into other sectors of the economy, as indicated in the following taxonomy (Figure 1.1), which juxtaposes occupation and industry sector...

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The contribution of creative occupations to Australian healthcare was examined using a mix of statistics and case studies. Creative occupations were found to be making widespread contributions in healthcare, in particular, to the development and delivery of healthcare goods and services, the initial training and ongoing professionalism of doctors and nurses and the effective functioning of healthcare buildings. Within most facets of healthcare, increasing employment over the period examined indicated that these contributions were growing. Key functions that creative activities addressed were information management and analysis and making complex information comprehensible, assisting communication and reducing psycho-social and distance-mediated barriers, and improving the efficiency and effectiveness of services.

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According to 2011 Australian Census figures, embedded creative employees (creative employees not working in the core Creative Industries) make up 2 per cent (or a total of 17 635) of manufacturing industry employees. The average for all industries is 1.6 per cent. In the 2011–2012 financial year the manufacturing industry formed 7.3 per cent of Australia’s gross domestic product (GDP), contributing approximately AU$106.5 billion to the economy (Department of Industry, Innovation, Science, Research and Tertiary Education 2013). Manufacturing is central to innovation, accounting for over one-quarter of all business expenditure in R&D in 2010–2011, representing around AU$4.8 billion invested in R&D (ibid.). Facing challenges such as sustainability concerns, ever-increasing offshore production and the global financial crisis, the Australian manufacturing industry needs to remain relevant and competitive to succeed. Innovation is one way to do this. Given the contribution of the manufacturing industry to the Australian economy, and the above-average portion of embedded creatives in manufacturing, it is important to consider what exactly embedded creatives add to the industry. This chapter, inspired by the Getting Creative in Healthcare report (Pagan, Higgs and Cunningham 2008), examines the contribution of embedded creatives to innovation in the manufacturing industry via case studies and supplemental data.

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This chapter addresses the radical paucity of empirical data about the career destinations of journalism, media and communications graduates from degree programs. We report findings from a study of ten years of graduates from Queensland University of Technology’s courses in journalism, media, and communication studies, using a ‘Creative Trident’ lens to analyse micro individual survey data. The study findings engage with creative labour precarity discussions, and also assertions of creative graduate oversupply suggested by national graduate outcome statistics. We describe the graduates’ employment outcomes, characterise their early career movements into and out of embedded and specialist employment, and compare the capability requirements and degree of course relevance reported by graduates employed in the different Trident segments. Given that in general the graduates in this study enjoyed very positive employment outcomes, but that there were systematic differences in reported course relevance by segment of employment and role, we also consider how university programs can best engage with the task of educating students for a surprisingly diverse range of media and communication-related occupational outcomes within and outside the creative industries.

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In 1972, the United Nations (UN) Conference on the Human Environment expressed a growing realization that economic and social progress needed to be balanced with a concern for the environment and the stewardship of natural resources. The hard-to-grasp concept of "sustainable development" was first defined as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs" (World Commission on Environment and Development [WESDJ, 1987, p. 43). This definition contains two concepts: first, "human needs," with priority given to the world's poor, and, second, the environment's limits for meeting the state of technological and social organization (WESD, 1987, p. 43). At the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (UN, 2002a), the focus on environmental protection broadened to encompass social justice and the fight against poverty as key principles of development that is sustainable. Three interdependent and mutually reinforcing "pillars" were recognized: economic development, social development, and environmental protection. These pillars must be established at local, national, and global levels. The complexity and interrelationship of critical issues such as poverty, wasteful consumption, urban decay, population growth, gender inequality, health, conflict, and the violation of human rights are addressed in all three pillars (Pigozzi, 2003, p. 3). Following the concept of sustainable development, we argue that the challenge for developing countries in contemporary society is to meet the very real need for economic development and opportunities for income generation, while avoiding the unintended and unwanted consequences of economic development and globalization. These consequences include social exclusion, loss of cultural heritage, and environmental and ecological problems.

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The ARC Centre of Excellence in Creative Industries and Innovation (herewith CCI) was established with two simple policy objectives. One was to assess anecdotal and boosterish claims about the growth rates of the creative industries, and hence, to measure the size of the creative industries contribution to gross domestic product (GDP). The other was to ascertain the contribution of the creative industries to employment. Preliminary research detailed in Cunningham and Higgs (2009) showed that the existing industrial classifications did not incorporate the terminology of the creative industries, nor did they disaggregate new categories of digital work such as video games. However, we discovered that occupational codes provide a much more fine-grained account of work that would enable us to disaggregate and track economic activity that corresponded to creative industries terminology. Thus was born one major centrepiece of CCI research – the tracking of national occupational codes in pursuit of measuring creative industries policy outcomes. This paper commences with some description of empirical work that investigates creative occupations; however, the real point is to suggest that this type of detailed, occupation-based empirical work has important theoretical potential that has not yet been fully expended (though see Cunningham 2013; Hearn and Bridgstock 2014; Bakhshi, Freeman and Higgs 2013; Hartley and Potts 2014).