Dr. William Levison working at a desk Portraits Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison Portraits Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison in military uniform Portraits Men

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Group US Army military portrait including Dr. William Levison (top row, third from left); Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison smoking a corn pipe Portraits Men

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Dr. William Levison celebrating Christmas Eve with U.S. Army buddies; Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Gleusdorf Collection; Jewish community 1521-1984

Mr. William Adler, 1984.

Dr. William Levison with U.S. Army buddies; Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Thinking critically about rural crime: The influence of William J. Chambliss

William J. Chambliss (Bill) is well-known for his path-breaking theories of lawmaking and for his innovative research on state-organized crime. However, rarely discussed is the fact that his study of the original vagrancy laws marked the birth of rural critical criminology. The main objective of this article is twofold: (1) to show how Bill helped shape contemporary rural critical criminology and (2) to provide suggestions for further critical theoretical and empirical work on rural crime and social control.

Leo Baeck with New York Mayor William O'Dwyer Portraits; Groups; Men

Page 68 of the "American Jewish Cavalcade" scrapbook of Leo Baeck in New York found in ROS 10 Folder 3

Leo Baeck with New York Mayor William O'Dwyer and Union of American Hebrew Congregations President Maurice N. Eisendrath, Oscar M. Lazrus and Rabbi Daniel L. Davis Portraits; Groups; Men

Page 12 of the "American Jewish Cavalcade" scrapbook of Leo Baeck in New York found in ROS 10 Folder 3

Shalom Schwarzbard 1917-1938

The collection consists of correspondence, newspaper clippings, manuscripts and notes that relate primarily to the Schwarzbard trial and its aftermath. Correspondence with organizations: Agudah Ateret Zion, Yidish Natsionaler Arbeter Farband, Yidisher Studentn Fareyn, Jewish Agency, *Der Tog*, *Unzer tsayt*, YIVO Institute, Ligue Internationale Contre L'antisemitisme, *Morgn zhurnal*, Federation de Societes Juives de France, Jewish Veterans Organization. Correspondence with individuals: Joseph Barondess, Alberto Bianchi, Zelig Kalmanovitch, Israel Ostroff, Noah Prylucki, Anna Schwarzbard, William Zukerman. Manuscripts: typescripts of memoirs *In krig mit zikh aleyn* (At War With Myself). Poems about Schwarzbard's assassination of Petlyura. Poems by Anna Schwarzbard. Clippings about Schwarzbard. Personal documents.

Sermon by Jacques Judah Lyons on the death of President William Henry Harrison

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Rätt som argument : Leo Mechelin och finska frågan 1886-1912

Right as an Argument. Leo Mechelin and the Finnish Question 1886-1912 At the turn of the 20th century the Finnish Question rose up as a political and juridical issue at the international arena. The vaguely précised position of Finland in the Russian empire led to diverse conclusions concerning the correctness of the February manifesto of 1899. It was predominantly among a European elite of politicians, cultural workers and academics the issue rose some interest. Finns were active making propaganda for their cause, and they put an emphasis on the claim that the right was on the Finnish side. In the study Elisabeth Stubb compare the Finnish, Russian and European statements about the Finnish Question and analyse their use of right as an argument. The Finnish Question offers at the same time a case study of a national entity which possesses a political sphere of life but is not fully independent, and its possibilities to drive its interests in an international context. Leo Mechelin (1839-1914), the leader of the Finnish propaganda organization abroad, is used as a point of departure. The biographical stance is formed into a triangle, where Leo Mechelin, the idea of right and the Finnish Question abroad are the three cornerstones. The treatment of one cornerstone sheds a ligth on the two others. The metaphor of triangulation also worked as a method to reach "a third stance" in a scinetific and political issue that usually is polarised into two opposite alternatives. An adherence to a strict legal right could not in the end offer a complete, unquestionable and satisfactory solution to the Finnsih Question, it was dependent on "the right of state wisdom and sound insight". The Finnish propaganda abroad used almost completely alternative ways of making politics. The propaganda did not have a decisive effect on countries' official politics, but gained unofficial support, especially in the public opinion and in academic statements. Mechelin claimed that the political field was dependent on public opinion and scientific research. Together with the official politics these two fields formed a triangle that shared the task of balancing the political arena and preventing it from making unwise decisions of taking an unjust turn. The international sphere worked as a balancing part in the Finnish Question. Mechelin tried by claiming the status of state for Finland's part to secure the country a place at the official international arena. At the same time, and especially when the claim was not fully adopted, he emphasised, and in a European context worked for, that right would become the guiding light not only for international relations, but also for the policy making in the inner life of the state.

En las raíces ideológicas de Montoneros : John William Cooke lee a Gramsci en Cuba

Desde 1945 la izquierda argentina no pudo resolver el enigma planteado por el hecho de que la clase obrera era peronista. Varios intentos teóricos fracasaron antes de que John William Cooke hiciera el suyo a mediados de los años sesenta. Influenciado por Gramsci, consideró que la clase obrera es una categoría histórica, por lo que el peronismo era la experiencia histórica de la clase obrera argentina y, como tal, revolucionario. Neutralizó el papel político de Perón convirtiéndolo en el símbolo de la identidad peronista. Por esto, la teoría de Cooke fue clave para que guerrilleros de izquierda se declararan peronistas sin que les importaran las opiniones e intenciones políticas de Perón. Las limitaciones de esa teoría quedaron expuestas cuando el general regresó a la Argentina y fue electo presidente por tercera vez.