865 resultados para Gender based violence


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Objective: To develop a reliable, valid, and responsive self-administered questionnaire to probe pain, stiffness and physical disability in patients with osteoarthritis (OA) of the hand. Design: In order to assess the dimensionality of the symptomatology of hand OA, a self-administered questionnaire was developed to probe various aspects of pain (10 items), stiffness (two items), and physical function (83 items). The question inventory was generated from eight existing health status measures and an interactive process involving four rheumatologists, two physiotherapists, and an orthopaedic surgeon. Results: Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 50 OA hand patients; 39 females and 11 males with mean age 62.8 years and mean disease duration 9.4 years. Items retained were those which fulfilled specified selection criteria: prevalence greater than or equal to60% and mean importance score approximating or exceeding 2.0 Item exclusion criteria included low prevalence, gender-based, ambiguous, duplicates or similarities, alternatives, composite items, and items that were too restrictive. This process resulted in five pain, one stiffness and nine function items which have been proposed for incorporation in the AUSCAN Index. Conclusions: Using a traditional development strategy, we have constructed a self-administered multi-dimensional outcome measure for assessing hand OA. The next stage includes reliability, validity and responsiveness testing of the 15-item questionnaire. (C) 2002 OsteoArthritis Research Society Intenational. Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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El dominio de los hombres sobre las mujeres es un fenómeno histórico que caracteriza las formaciones sociales estatales de Grecia y Roma, del Próximo Oriente antiguo y del Egipto faraónico, y son los distintos tipos de violencia —física, sexual y simbólica— sus herramientas principales de construcción y de permanencia.Este libro reúne las ponencias presentadas en el simposio internacional Violencia deliberada. Sus autoras y autores analizan las violencias sexistas que, desde la antigüedad, como si se tratara de un hecho ineluctable, impregnan las vidas de muchas mujeres, como Neera, la extranjera; Pacula Annia, la sacerdotista, y Agripina, la madre de Nerón, o Aurelia Atiena, la ninfa Io y la virgen asceta Principia. Ellas y otras muchas, cuyos nombres desconocemos, son las verdaderas protagonistas de este libro. Del valor y la determinación de las mujeres nombradas y evocadas en estas páginas, y de tantas otras con las que compartimos hoy nuestras vidas, surgen la luz y el aliento para (re)accionar frente a las violencias patriarcales.

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El dominio de los hombres sobre las mujeres es un fenómeno histórico que caracteriza las formaciones sociales estatales de Grecia y Roma, del Próximo Oriente antiguo y del Egipto faraónico, y son los distintos tipos de violencia —física, sexual y simbólica— sus herramientas principales de construcción y de permanencia.Este libro reúne las ponencias presentadas en el simposio internacional Violencia deliberada. Sus autoras y autores analizan las violencias sexistas que, desde la antigüedad, como si se tratara de un hecho ineluctable, impregnan las vidas de muchas mujeres, como Neera, la extranjera; Pacula Annia, la sacerdotista, y Agripina, la madre de Nerón, o Aurelia Atiena, la ninfa Io y la virgen asceta Principia. Ellas y otras muchas, cuyos nombres desconocemos, son las verdaderas protagonistas de este libro. Del valor y la determinación de las mujeres nombradas y evocadas en estas páginas, y de tantas otras con las que compartimos hoy nuestras vidas, surgen la luz y el aliento para (re)accionar frente a las violencias patriarcales.

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English summary: Gender and violence in peace research

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En el presente estudio se describen, analizan y comparan las manifestaciones del liderazgo femenino en las asociaciones de inmigrantes africanos: sus objetivos de trabajo, temáticas y formas, organización e institucionalización. Para ello se analizan en profundidad diez historias de vida, partiendo de la hipótesis de la existencia de una clara diferenciación de objetivos entre las asociaciones de hombres y mujeres africanos derivados de la desigualdad básica de las posiciones sociales entre hombres y mujeres, y muy especialmente, de las culturas de género. Los resultados obtenidos sugieren que existen mujeres inmigrantes “fuertes” (ni sumisas ni ignorantes) con capacidad de liderazgo en la asociación, pero no por unas supuestas especificidades “femeninas” sino por un proceso de aprendizaje temprano (adolescente), éxito educativo y un origen social relativamente elevado que forjan una cierta rebeldía y la asunción de una autoridad explícita. De cualquier modo, no se observan diferencias relevantes entre el liderazgo femenino y el liderazgo masculino, ya que en ambos casos se da un cierto “carisma”, la existencia de unas dotes personales que se desarrollan desde la interacción en situaciones sociales concretas.

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Data obtained during the past five years have indicated that there are important age- and gender-based differences in the regulation and action of leptin in humans. To study the physiological changes of leptin during puberty in both sexes, and its relationship with body composition and sexual maturation, we measured leptin concentrations in 175 healthy adolescents (80 girls, 95 boys, 10-18 years of age), representing all pubertal stages. We excluded individuals with a body mass index (BMI) below the 5thor above the 95th percentile relative to age. Serum concentrations of leptin were determined by a monoclonal antibody-based immunofluorimetric assay, developed in our laboratory. Body composition was determined by dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry. Pubertal stage was assigned by physical examination, according to Tanner criteria for breast development in females and genital development in males. Leptin concentration in girls (N = 80) presented a positive linear correlation with age (r = 0.35, P = 0.0012), BMI (r = 0.65, P < 0.0001) and %fat mass (r = 0.76, P < 0.0001). In boys (N = 95) there was a positive correlation with BMI (r = 0.49, P < 0.0001) and %fat mass (r = 0.85, P < 0.0001), but a significant negative linear correlation with Tanner stage (r = -0.45, P < 0.0001) and age (r = -0.40, P < 0.0001). The regression equation revealed that %fat mass and BMI are the best parameters to be used to estimate leptin levels in both sexes. Thus, the normal reference ranges for circulating leptin during adolescence should be constructed according to BMI or %fat mass to assure a correct evaluation.

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Drawing on a growing literature on the interconnection of queer theory, sexuality and space, this thesis critically assesses the development, implementation and impact of a campus-based Positive Space Campaign aimed at raising the visibility and number of respectful, supportive, educational and welcoming spaces for lesbian, gay, bi, trans, two-spirited, queer and questioning (LGBTQ) students staff and faculty. The analysis, based on participatory action research (PAR), interrogates the extent to which the Positive Space Campaign challenges heteronormativity on campus. I contend that the Campaign, in its attempt to challenge dominant notions of sex, gender and sexuality, disrupts heterosexual space. Further, as I consider the meanings of 'queer', I consider the extent to which Positive Space Campaigns may be 'queering' space, by contributing to an 'imagined' campus space free of sexual and gender-based discrimination. The case study contributes to queer theory, the literature on sexuality and space, the literature on queer organizing in educational spaces and to broader queer organizing efforts in Canada.

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De nombreuses études sur l’évolution de la motivation pour les mathématiques sont disponibles et il existe également plusieurs recherches qui se sont penchées sur la question de la différence motivationnelle entre les filles et les garçons. Cependant, aucune étude n’a tenu compte de la séquence scolaire des élèves en mathématiques pour comprendre le changement motivationnel vécu pendant le second cycle du secondaire, alors que le classement en différentes séquences est subi par tous au secondaire au Québec. Le but principal de cette étude est de documenter l’évolution de la motivation pour les mathématiques des élèves du second cycle du secondaire en considérant leur séquence de formation scolaire et leur sexe. Les élèves ont été classés dans deux séquences, soit celle des mathématiques de niveau de base (416-514) et une autre de niveau de mathématiques avancé (436-536). Trois mille quatre cent quarante élèves (1864 filles et 1576 garçons) provenant de 30 écoles secondaires publiques francophones de la grande région de Montréal ont répondu à cinq reprises à un questionnaire à items auto-révélés portant sur les variables motivationnelles suivantes : le sentiment de compétence, l’anxiété de performance, la perception de l’utilité des mathématiques, l’intérêt pour les mathématiques et les buts d’accomplissement. Ces élèves étaient inscrits en 3e année du secondaire à la première année de l’étude. Ils ont ensuite été suivis en 4e et 5e année du secondaire. Les résultats des analyses à niveaux multiples indiquent que la motivation scolaire des élèves est généralement en baisse au second cycle du secondaire. Cependant, cette diminution est particulièrement criante pour les élèves inscrits dans les séquences de mathématiques avancées. En somme, les résultats indiquent que les élèves inscrits dans les séquences avancées montrent des diminutions importantes de leur sentiment de compétence au second cycle du secondaire. Leur anxiété de performance est en hausse à la fin du secondaire et l’intérêt et la perception de l’utilité des mathématiques chutent pour l’ensemble des élèves. Les buts de maîtrise-approche sont également en baisse pour tous et les élèves des séquences de base maintiennent généralement des niveaux plus faibles. Une diminution des buts de performance-approche est aussi retrouvée, mais cette dernière n’atteint que les élèves dans les séquences de formation avancées. Des hausses importantes des buts d’évitement du travail sont retrouvées pour les élèves des séquences de mathématiques avancées à la fin du secondaire. Ainsi, les élèves des séquences de mathématiques avancées enregistrent la plus forte baisse motivationnelle pendant le second cycle du secondaire bien qu’ils obtiennent généralement des scores supérieurs aux élèves des séquences de base. Ces derniers maintiennent généralement leur niveau motivationnel. La différence motivationnelle entre les filles et les garçons ne sont pas souvent significatives, malgré le fait que les filles maintiennent généralement un niveau motivationnel inférieur à celui des garçons, et ce, par rapport à leur séquence de formation respective. En somme, les résultats de la présente étude indiquent que la diminution de la motivation au second cycle du secondaire pour les mathématiques touche principalement les élèves des séquences avancées. Il paraît ainsi pertinent de considérer la séquence scolaire dans les études sur l’évolution de la motivation, du moins en mathématiques. Il semble particulièrement important d’ajuster les interventions pédagogiques proposées aux élèves des séquences avancées afin de faciliter leur transition en mathématiques de quatrième secondaire.

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L'Enquête rétrospective sur les travailleurs sélectionnés au Québec a permis d’analyser la relation formation-emploi des immigrantes — arrivées comme requérantes principales — et de jeter un regard sur le parcours en emploi de ces femmes, en comparaison avec leurs homologues masculins. Une attention particulière est mise sur l'effet de genre et de la région de provenance, ainsi que l'interaction entre ces deux variables. Des modèles semi-paramétriques de Cox mettent en exergue comment les caractéristiques individuelles, mais aussi les activités de formation dans la société d’accueil, affectent au fil du temps les risques relatifs d’obtenir un premier emploi correspondant à ses qualifications scolaires prémigratoires. Puis, des régressions linéaires font état des déterminants du salaire après deux ans sur le territoire. Les résultats montrent que l'accès à l'emploi qualifié n'est pas affecté différemment selon que l'immigrant soit un homme ou une femme. Des différences intragroupes apparaissent toutefois en fonction de la région de provenance, avec un net avantage pour les immigrants de l'Europe de l'Ouest et des États-Unis. L'accès au premier emploi (sans distinction pour les qualifications) et le salaire révèlent, quant à eux, des différences sur la base du genre, avec un désavantage pour les femmes. Chez ces dernières, l'insertion en emploi se fait de façon similaire entre les groupes régionaux, alors que les groupes d'hommes sont plus hétérogènes. D'ailleurs, certaines caractéristiques individuelles, comme la connaissance du français et la catégorie d'admission, affectent différemment les immigrants et les immigrantes dans l'accès au premier emploi.

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Le Canada accepte des demandes d’asile sur la base de l'orientation sexuelle depuis plus de 20 ans. Quoi qu’il en soit, cette recherche permet de douter du fait que les demandes sur la base de l’orientation sexuelle déposées par des femmes soient traitées de façon adéquate. Pour garantir l’accès à la protection des femmes appartenant à des minorités sexuelles, une analyse du risque de persécution fondé sur l'orientation sexuelle doit incorporer des considérations de genre ainsi que divers autres facteurs d’ordre social et culturel. À partir d’une étude de cas de demandes du statut de refugié déposées par des femmes sur la base de l’orientation sexuelle et rejetées par la Commission de l'immigration et du statut de réfugié entre 2010 et 2013, cette recherche identifie des procédés décisionnels problématiques qui font obstacle au droit d’asile de ces femmes. Les résultats de cette étude révèlent qu’une analyse intersectionnelle, laquelle prend acte des formes variées et multiples de l’oppression dans un contexte social donné, est d’importance cruciale pour une évaluation éclairée et non tronquée des risques de persécution pour les minorités sexuelles féminines. À la lumière de ces résultats, ce mémoire propose qu’une analyse intersectionnelle accompagne une nécessaire formation pour les membres de la Commission de l'immigration et du statut de réfugié du Canada sur des questions particulières à des minorités sexuelles.

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The study is intended to estimate the existing rate of participation of women beneficiaries in the development programmes of different organisations in Kerala. It would enable one to understand whether participation is at the satisfactory level or not. Given the rate of participation, the major thrust of the analysis is on the impact of governmental and non-governmental organisations on the rate of participation. This is undertaken under the assumption that NGOs, due to their proximity to people and their needs, ensure better participation rates. Besides the organisational differences, the other major determinants of women participation such as their socio-economic characteristics, psychological make up, the nature of the programme etc. are also highlighted. 0 Since the ascribed status of women in society is inferior, the role of organisers, development personnel and local leaders is also pointed out. Thus the basic objective of the study is women participation and its determinants in the development programmes

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This paper analyses tendencies in debates about cultural representations of terrorism to assume that artists make critical interventions, while the mass media circulates stereotypes. Some recent feminist analyses of female terrorist acts have re-instituted essentialist arguments in which violence and terrorism is described as inherently masculine, while women are by nature pacifist, so that femininity is the antithesis of militarism. More progressive analyses mostly tend to expose the circulation of stereotypes and their gender bias, in order to protest the misrepresentation of women in violence. These analyses do not construct alternative accounts. Through an analysis of two works by artists Hito Steyerl and Sharon Hayes, the paper argues that some of the moves to re-image the question of women, violence and agency have already been made in contemporary art practices. Through analysing legacies of terrorism and feminism, it becomes possible to rethink the question of agency, militancy and the nature of political art. The paper appears in an edited interdiscplinary collection arising from a conference at Universität der Bundeswehr in Munich. It relates to wider projects involving collaborations with Birkbeck and Edinburgh on representations of terrorism and on violence and contemporary art.

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This article examines advocacy of Catholic restorative justice for clerical child sexual abuse from the standpoint of feminist criminological critiques of the use of restorative mediation in sexual offence cases. In particular, it questions the Catholic invocation of grace and forgiveness of survivors of abuse in light of critical feminist concerns about the exploitation of emotions in restorative practices, especially in regard to sexual and other gender-based offences. In the context of sexual abuse, the Catholic appeal to grace has the potential for turning into an extraordinary demand made of victims not only to rehabilitate offenders and the church in the eyes of the community, but also to work towards the spiritual absolution of the abuser. This unique feature of Catholic-oriented restorative justice raises important concerns in terms of feminist critiques of the risk of abuses of power within mediation, and is also incompatible with orthodox restorative justice theory, which, although it advocates a ‘spiritual’ response to crime, is concerned foremost with the rights, needs and experiences of victims.