886 resultados para Federal government -- Asia


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The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

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En la presente investigación se estudió la organización administrativa y territorial de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, para poder identificar si se podían definir y catalogar a Venezuela como un Estado federal como manda su Constitución, o si por el contrario, podríamos estar hablando de una organización distinta llámese autonómica o unitaria, o simplemente un modelo federal diferente al dual influenciado por las diferentes formas de organización.

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Early in 2001, after a damning public report by the Auditor-General, the Australian Federal Government abandoned its highly promoted “whole of government” IT infrastructure outsourcing initiative. This about-face was greeted in the press with reports that the initiative was a “fiasco”. Yet a four-year case study conducted by the authors suggests a more complex picture. Like many other “selective” outsourcers of IT, the Federal Government had been led to believe that it was adopting a relatively low risk strategy that would, if well managed, lead to significant cost savings and operational benefits. Instead, despite having implemented many widely promoted “best practices”, the Federal Government found a substantial discrepancy between what outsourcing promised to deliver, and what was actually achieved. In this respect their experiences were no different from those of many other large IT organizations engaged in selective IT outsourcing, who responded to a substantial contemporaneous survey. This case study examines why the Government’s expectations were not achieved, and arrives at conclusions that have important implications for decision makers confronted with choices about sourcing IT service delivery.

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Early in 2001, after a damning public report by the Auditor-General, the Australian Federal Government was forced to abandon its highly promoted “whole of government” infrastructure outsourcing initiative. This about-face was greeted in the press with reports that the initiative was a “fiasco”. Yet a four-year case study of the initiative suggests a more complex picture. The initiative can be viewed in a quite different light on the basis of comparisons with a contemporary survey of 240 Australian organisations engaged in IT outsourcing. This reveals that many of the negative outcomes associated with this “fiasco” are typical of those experienced by large Australian organisations. This has important implications for decision makers confronted with choices about sourcing IT service delivery.

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The first (and most specific) postcolonial intersection to which this paper refers was constituted initially by an Australian-South African institutional links project (funded by the Australian federal government) and subsequent collaborations and partnerships between Australian and South African academics arising (directly or indirectly) from this project. In this paper I will focus on activities that were intended to enhance research capacity in educational leadership and in environmental education, with particular reference to appropriate methodologies and supervision practices. Other postcolonial intersections to which this paper will refer include those that have been formed as a result of international students from various locations in Africa and Asia studying at Deakin (either on-campus or by distance modes). My purposes in the paper are (i) to examine, through cases and examples, some ways in which difference (with particular reference to race, ethnicity, language and location) might be linked to individual and/or community dispositions to take up (or to reject) specific research methodologies and epistemologies, and (ii) to consider the implications of such differences and dispositions for academic practices directed towards developing 'communities of understanding' at postcolonial intersections.
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Although fieldwork practicums have long been mandatory and integral requirements of our professional education, there is now an increasing focus on integrating work experience more broadly into a range of academic programs. These activities are increasingly coming under the spotlight of universities and the Federal government (Patrick et al., 2008). The provision of quality fieldwork education for both occupational therapy students and fieldwork educators remains critical, requiring strong collaboration and partnerships between universities, the profession and representative bodies. However, we argue that as the characteristics of universities and students has changed considerably in recent years, the planning and implementation of fieldwork needs to be informed by an understanding of these ongoing changes.

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This paper argues that feminist analyses remain crucial to any critical analysis of social policy. From the outset, it needs to be said that we are not suggesting that other critical analyses are less important, such as anti-racist analysis, for example (Dominelli 2002a, 2002b). We also acknowledge the significance of intersectionality theory which identifies the ways in which race and racism may compound gender inequality to shape experiences of oppression or privilege (Mullings & Schultz 2006; Weber 2006). Having said this, in this paper we argue that feminist analyses remain as important as ever, in challenging dominant patriarchal/capitalist discourse currently informing social policy in Australia.

As a counter discourse, feminism puts women’s experiences and the unequal relationships of patriarchy at the forefront of analysis, highlights gender inequalities entrenched in social institutions and policy, and draws attention to the organisation of society along gender specific lines and the inequalities resulting from the relegation of women to the private sphere (Dominelli 2002a).

Specifically, we will demonstrate that the Howard government’s policy responses to the issue of family violence have reflected a renewed attack on previous gains made by women, and exemplify a neo-liberal, neo-conservative approach to social policy that demands a critical feminist analysis. Given the recent federal election, it seems particularly timely to reassert the importance of a feminist analysis of social policy and to direct the attention of the new federal government towards reversing recent trends to de-politicise violence towards women.

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Desde o início dos anos oitenta, o governo federal brasileiro passou a substituir a receitas de impostos tradicionais por receita de contribuições sociais (cumulativas) na composição da sua receita total (mudança de gestão). Alega-se que este procedimento é uma conseqüência das regras de compartilhamento estabelecidas (receitas de impostos do governo federal são compartilhadas com estados e municípios enquanto que receitas de contribuição não o são).Existem argumentos na literatura mostrando que este processo de descentralização das receitas teve sua origem na mudança de regime político (militar para democrático), outros com a nova Constituição de 1988 e, por último, outros afirmando que ele só foi possível porque a ineficiência das contribuições foi encoberta pela ineficiência alocativa da inflação. Por outro lado, fatos ocorridos no mesmo período, embora não citados na literatura, poderiam explicar ou ajudar na explicação deste comportamento. Entre eles, a fragmentação do poder executivo a partir de 1989 com a primeira eleição presidencial e/ou o processo de abertura da economia a partir dos anos noventa. Usando a técnica de OLS, observou-se que a Nova Constituição e a abertura da economia explicariam esta mudança de gestão. De qualquer forma, independente do que esteja explicando esta mudança, ela é apontada como altamente prejudicial a competitividade das exportações brasileiras. Existem várias proxies tentando medir este efeito, nenhuma delas considerando uma medida de gestão. Resolvemos realizar esta tentativa. Como tínhamos desconfiança da exogeneidade da variável representativa da abertura da economia no teste anterior, tratamos a questão com o instrumental de séries de tempo. No longo prazo, descobrimos que a mudança de gestão afeta negativamente as exportações e positivamente a abertura da economia por ser menos punitiva com as importações em termos de competitividade (as contribuições incidem apenas na comercialização dos produtos importados). JEL classification: H27; H77, H87.

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O presente texto apresenta um estudo preliminar do perfil ministerial dos quatro últimos governos constituídos no Brasil, a partir da redemocratização em 1985. Nele procura-se examinar o peso de diferentes critérios políticos que orientaram o provimento dos cargos ministeriais. Os critérios selecionados são: partidário, federativo, técnico, grupos de interesse, pessoal e imagem.

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During the 1980¿s and the 1990¿s, the Brazilian federal government started to set up a new public administration policy called ¿managerial¿ conceived of new patterns of efficiency and effectiveness and extremelly concerned about optimizing state administration to grant best results for people. This decision has been taken due to three main reasons; (i) the worst fiscal crisis considering the last decades; (ii) exhaustion on interfering with Brazilian economy due to its opening to globalization, and (iii) extremelly deep-rooted burocratic methods. The Brazilian state reform presented as a diagnosis of the human resource government area: (i) gradual raising costs in payroll, allied to (ii) huge raising inefficiency in public services, and (iii) civil servants are unprepared to improve better responses to currents citizen demands and to adopt new methods of management based on the best professional performance and the best quality of public services. We have concluded that the federal government often tries to make civil servants redundant instead of adopting a real policy of management that would give them better conditions to improve their performance. This paper presents a concrete proposal to improve quality in civil servants performance by taking advantage of information technology and of our assumed country¿s democratization. We suggest that the Brazilian state reform must be and should be a new path of social growth and development not only in economic basis.

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Este trabalho parte da premissa de que as políticas públicas universalistas não podem ser concebidas uniformemente para uma população sem se considerarem as diferenças culturais, porque tal situação comprometeria os resultados desejados. Para elucidarmos melhor tal premissa, selecionamos a questão indígena brasileira. A referência teórica desta pesquisa, o multiculturalismo, é estrangeira, portanto não ignoramos as limitações e a necessidade de adaptação de que necessita quando transportada para a realidade brasileira. De duas análises já existentes sobre o nível de políticas multiculturais nos países Latinos, comparamos a situação do Brasil com os outros países a fim de formar uma idéia geral sobre o contexto brasileiro em relação aos demais. A pesquisa, então, parte da revisão das condições históricas dos indígenas desde os anos 1970 e é complementada com indicadores demográficos das populações autóctones cotejadas com a nacional. Nesse momento já podemos apontar as dificuldades no aspecto normativo das políticas públicas multiculturais. Uma análise detalhada das propostas de políticas públicas específicas para os indígenas, no Plano Plurianual de 2008-2011 do Governo Federal, indica possíveis contradições entre diferentes programas e ações. Também verificamos a forma como o Ministério da Educação (MEC) e a sua Secretaria específica (SECAD/MEC) abordam a questão da diversidade cultural, na defesa de programas e ações sob perspectiva diferente dos do multiculturalismo. Finalizamos com um estudo dos limites e das oportunidades desse tratamento na questão indígena no Brasil, do que se conclui que há um movimento incipiente pró-multiculturalismo no país.

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Este estudo investiga qual a contribuição do Sistema Integrado de Administração Financeira do Governo Federal (SIAFI) na promoção da accountability da Administração Pública Federal no Brasil, com base na pesquisa documental e na percepção dos usuários do sistema. O modelo de análise da accountability ocorre a partir da investigação das suas definições e dimensões, segundo levantamento do referencial teórico abrangendo o campo da administração pública e da previsão na legislação brasileira. São definidas três dimensões para descrição da accountability: transparência, prestação de contas e responsabilização. Na condução da metodologia, inicialmente essas dimensões foram tratadas pela pesquisa documental, por meio da investigação no SIAFI – Manual Web da existência de mecanismos de accountability, com a aplicação de técnicas voltadas a levantar as expressões e instrumentos do sistema que possibilitam a promoção da accountability. O resultado dessa análise evidenciou funcionalidades, que foram posteriormente escritas na forma de questões de avaliação, segundo escala Likert de 4 pontos, a fim de identificar a eficácia percebida por quatro grupos de usuários do sistema: gestor, operador, agente de controle e agente de investigação. O questionário foi aplicado via internet aos usuários de 128 órgãos do Governo Federal, tendo retornado 287 formulários respondidos. O tratamento e análise dos resultados permitiram observar que o sistema é percebido como eficaz na promoção da accountability, apesar da necessita de melhorias e de treinamento de seus usuários. Além disso, foram identificadas divergências estatisticamente significativas nas respostas dos perfis de usuários, apontando uma não uniformidade nessa percepção segundo a origem do usuário e finalidade de sua relação com o sistema.

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Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo apreender e analisar o perfil profissional dos que exercem funções de Chefia nas Unidades descentralizadas de Criminalística da Polícia Federal no Brasil, especificamente nos Setores Técnico-Científicos (SETECs) e nas Unidades Técnico-Científicas (UTECs), segundo a teoria de competências e habilidades. A releitura desses fundamentos, incluindo habilidades sociais nesse escopo, fortaleceu o embasamento teórico para análise dos resultados da etapa empírica desta dissertação. Essa postura, pode contribuir, na prática, para a construção de uma política de gestão de pessoas, baseada em competências, alinhada com o planejamento estratégico em desenvolvimento na organização, otimizando a designação para os cargos de liderança, sobretudo na área de Criminalística com suas especificidades. Além disso, as opções metodológicas qualitativas levaram a perceber tanto lacunas referentes às potencialidades de atuação dos profissionais sujeitos do estudo, quanto competências relevantes e presentes no perfil dos mesmos. Os resultados, ainda, favoreceram clarificar algumas competências técnicas e habilidades como sendo mais relevantes do que outras, diante das exigências peculiares ao exercício da função de Chefe do Setor de Perícia. A articulação das pesquisas bibliográfica, documental, de campo e o procedimento de triangulação de dados de entrevistas, análise documental, observação e aplicação de questionário - por meio do qual foi levantada a percepção dos sujeitos sobre suas funções – possibilitaram conclusões relevantes. Na teoria, ocorreu devido à melhor compreensão das relações entre competências e habilidades e, na prática, por esclarecer o panorama de avanços e limitações na gestão estudada. Conclui-se, pois que o Governo Federal promoveu avanços na política de recursos humanos do Serviço Público, no entanto, a implementação de um sistema moderno de gestão de pessoas ainda não foi consolidado, no Departamento de Polícia Federal. Isso fica evidenciado pela carência de competências primordiais para que os Chefes exerçam com excelência a função de gestores de Unidades de Perícia Técnica.