981 resultados para Executive-legislative relations


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In 2004 The High Court handed down a number of decisions concerning detention imposed for purposes allegedly unrelated to punishment. This paper outlines the way the Federal Constitution restricts (and also facilitates) the imposition of "non punitive detention" by our governments. Such laws (as passed by the Federal Legislature) are constitutionally valid provided they can be characterised as falling within a legislative head of power under  section 51 off he Constitution. The power to detain for non punitive purposes can be reposed by the Legislature in the either the Executive or Judicial arms of government. Detention by the Executive is non punitive (and therefore does not offend the separation of powers) even though it involves a deprivation of liberty, provided it is imposed for “legitimate non punitive purposes”.  Legitimacy is in turn determined by reference to the section 51 heads of power. Detention for non punitive purposes by the judicial arm of government is constitutionally valid provided that (i) a “judicial process ” is adopted and (ii) (arguably) there is some link (albeit tenuous) with a previous finding of criminal guilt. The continuing existence of the “constitutional immunity ”from being detained by other than judicial order identified by the High Court in its 1992 decision in Lim v Minister for Immigration is called into question.

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This paper reports on one aspect of a research project that was funded by the Australian Football League (AFL) to explore the emergence and evolution of a ‘professional identity’ for AFL footballers. The research was informed by Foucault's later work on the care of the Self to focus on the ways in which player identities are governed by coaches, club officials, and the AFL Commission/Executive; and the manner in which players conduct themselves in ways that can be characterised as professional - or not. The paper explores the roles of Player Development Managers (PDMs) in emerging processes of risk and player management. These roles increasingly involve PDMs in risk management practices and processes that can be seen as intrusive in players’ lives. These risk management processes raise a number of concerns about player privacy and the rights of Clubs to know what their employees are up to away from the workplace.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relation between the value of executive director share ownership and discretionary accruals.

Design/methodology/approach – This study uses a dataset of 1,173 firm-year observations drawn from 188 Australian listed companies for the period 2000-2006. The analysis is based on multivariate regression analysis and ordinary least square models were used to investigate the relation between the value of managerial ownership and discretionary accruals. The issue of potential endogeneity is addressed by using a simultaneous equation system.

Findings – A negative relation is found between value of managerial share ownership and discretionary accruals at lower levels of value of ownership, which is consistent with the theorised incentive alignment that as the managers commit more resources to their firms, stakeholders impose less contractual constraints specified in terms of accounting numbers and managers make lower accrual adjustments. After a certain level of value of ownership is attained, a positive relations seen, consistent with increased discretionary accrual adjustments associated with stakeholders anticipating managerial entrenchment. Also, it is found that these results are driven by firms with income increasing, as opposed to income decreasing, discretionary accruals.

Practical implications – Shares and options are forming an increasing proportion of executive remuneration that continues to be the subject of much debate amongst regulators and in the media. Showing that the value of share ownership may be an effective internal governance mechanism to help align incentives adds to the debate and has policy implications.

Originality/value – The paper's primary contribution is finding that the value (as opposed to proportion) of share ownership, typically representing a sizeable proportion of managers' undiversified wealth, is a potentially direct driver of theorised incentive alignment and entrenchment effects associated with share ownership.

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The early provisions protecting freedom of association in Australian federal industrial relations law supported trade union security. The interests of individuals were seen as adequately protected by collective groups. This principle dominated the industrial relations laws from 1904 to the mid-1970s. However, from the late 1970s, the laws were incrementally altered to promote freedom of choice and the rights of individuals not to be part of trade unions. The reframing of the laws also reflected changes in the wider Australian community, manifested particularly in the decline of union density rates. These changes were also part of an international trend, favouring the ideology of neoliberalism which contributed to an unsympathetic environment for trade unions. The current Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) has signalled a return to collectivism, although freedom of choice is at the heart of the laws rather than the promotion of collective groups. In the absence of legislative support promoting the viability of collective groups, this freedom to choose is threatened, leaving many workers with little choice but to disassociate.

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The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

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Este trabalho analisa a formação de gabinetes no Governo do Estado do Espírito Santo no período 1995-2014. Para isso, parte-se do debate em torno do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro e suas aplicações ao nível subnacional, reforçando a importância de estudos de caso e estudos comparativos. Um resgaste da trajetória política do Espírito Santo é feita, ressaltando o período de crise na década de 1990 e a virada institucional que se deu no começo dos anos 2000. A composição da Assembleia Legislativa no período também é destacada, dada a sua importância para o entendimento das relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo. Foi construída uma base de dados com todos os Secretários de Estado do período, além de suas respectivas filiações partidárias, de acordo com dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE). Assim, pode-se comparar a composição partidária do gabinete e o tamanho das bancadas partidárias no Legislativo. Para análise da proporcionalidade dos gabinetes este estudo utiliza a Taxa de Coalescência de Amorim Neto (2000) e a aplicação do Índice G sugerido por Avelino, Biderman e Silva (2011). Além da tradicional utilização da filiação partidária dos secretários como proxy para a determinação de um elemento político no gabinete, há ainda a proposição e aplicação paralela de um novo critério que considera a filiação partidária e a ocorrência de candidatura prévia como indicativo de um secretário político. Os dois critérios utilizados mostram resultados diferenciados, e o fato de a maioria dos gabinetes formados não terem sido majoritários sugere que no Espírito Santo a distribuição de cargos no primeiro escalão de governo não seja a principal moeda de troca nos acordos entre Executivo e Legislativo.

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O objetivo desta tese é investigar a atuação do órgão de controle judicial no Poder Judiciário, focando na dimensão “Desempenho Administrativo Judicial”. Esta tese visa complementar o modelo de Taylor (2008) adicionando o CNJ como um elemento da melhoria do desempenho dos tribunais, por meio da implantação de ferramentas gerenciais e ocasionando impactos políticos e institucionais. O estudo se apoia no contexto político e organizacional do Judiciário para apresentar um complemento ao entendimento vigente sobre os mecanismos de mensuração de desempenho. Os impactos do CNJ foram analisados a partir de sete aspectos do processo de Reforma do Judiciário: 1. Padronização das estruturas; 2. Sistemas de gerenciamento centralizados; 3. Padronização de procedimentos internos; 4. Centralização orçamentária; 5. Financiamento de unidades judiciais; 6. Procedimentos disciplinar contra irregularidades e más condutas de magistrados; 7. Critérios meritocráticos e promoção de magistrados. Os dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas estruturadas com ex-conselheiros e conselheiros atuais do CNJ e considerou os dez anos de existência do CNJ (2004-2013), fornecendo uma perspectiva longitudinal. A análise temática ou categorial foi escolhida como a principal da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Os dados foram segmentados por questões, por categorias prévias e por categorias estabelecidas posteriormente. Foi evidenciado que o CNJ apresenta um efeito direto de atuação no “Desempenho Administrativo Judicial”: i) usando ferramentas de gestão que permitem os tribunais aprimorar a organização interna e elevar o nível de maturidade de governança; ii) moralizando e fiscalizando os Tribunais por meio de inspeções frequentes realizadas pela Corregedoria Nacional de Justiça que objetiva a resolução das irregularidades e o afastamento dos magistrados com más condutas no exercício do cargo. As evidências identificaram também impactos indiretos: i) o CNJ como um coordenador de ações do Judiciário, articulando melhor as relações com os representantes do Executivo e do Legislativo na obtenção de mais recursos orçamentários e financeiros para os tribunais; ii) o CNJ aumenta a autonomia do Judiciário reconhecendo os esforços de gestão dos tribunais e compartilhando as melhores práticas com os outros tribunais, com impactos na melhoria de infraestrutura e no desempenho. O aumento de controle promovido pelo CNJ reforçou a governança e a eficiência dos tribunais, mas com perca de autonomia num primeiro momento. Por outro lado, num segundo momento, possibilitou uma mudança de perfil nas indicações de seus conselheiros numa tentativa de enfraquecer o controle e aumentar autonomia dos tribunais.

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Este estudo se propôs a realizar uma análise sobre o processo de criação da Universidade Federal do Oeste do Pará (UFOPA) para a Amazônia, compreendendo o papel dos atores institucionais na construção do projeto de criação desta Universidade, cujo compromisso era de a oficializarem como um bem patrimonial para o desenvolvimento da Amazônia. Nesse jogo de poder ficou em evidência o papel da burocracia e da política, e de suas relações de poder (Executivo e Legislativo) no processo decisivo da criação da uma Instituição Federal de Ensino Superior (IFES). Nesse sentido, as relações de poder no alto escalão (entre políticos e burocratas) configuraram-se na UFPA e nas três esferas de governo. Para a realização deste estudo foi feita uma pesquisa qualitativa utilizando-se dos instrumentos das notas taquigráficas e entrevistas, investigando burocratas e políticos. Os resultados apontam que a criação da UFOPA é resultado de uma ação coletiva e estratégica dos atores institucionais, e que o papel desempenhado foi de fundamental importância na elaboração, na defesa e na aprovação do Projeto de Lei de criação da UFOPA, como também apontam que esta universidade será de grande relevância para o desenvolvimento da região Oeste do Pará e para a Amazônia.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The present study aims to investigate the interrelationship between the Relationship Marketing and Public Relations areas, high lighting its strategic value. The main goal is to discuss how the public relations professional can manage the customer loyalty by improving the after-sales services provided, applying it to a specific market such as business a viation. To establish the foundation to support the hypotheses, a revision of the subject literature was made, seeking to break down the barriers between marketing-mainly of relationship and public relations knowledge fields. A consult of the relevant literature was a continuous activity throughout the work. Divided into three chapters, the two first ones of fundamentals concepts, presents an after-sales services scenario, emphasizing the importance of the relationship and the definition of audiences in this area, in addition to a detailed description of the luxury market, a business aviation reality. The third chapter ends the discussion with a relationship proposal for Embraer Executive Jets, through actions based on the studied concepts. By gathering ideas and reflecting about the subject, using them to develop the proposal, a conclusion was resulted: the public relations professional is prepared and essential to build an effective after-sales relationship, since it's concerned about the communication excellence and knows the audiences significance in this process

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)