969 resultados para Executive-Legislative relationship


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As interpretações a respeito do funcionamento do presidencialismo de coalizão buscam compreender como o Presidente é capaz de implementar sua agenda política, utilizando, para isso, as suas prerrogativas constitucionais. Sejam eles os poderes legislativos, sejam os de nomeação e de organização das estruturas administrativas. Apesar da existência de uma vasta literatura a respeito do processo legislativo e das relações entre o Legislativo e o Executivo, ainda são poucos os estudos sobre a dinâmica interna de funcionamento do Executivo e do impacto da dinâmica política – a formação do gabinete – sobre as políticas públicas. O presente trabalho analisa a constituição do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento (PAC), enquanto mecanismo de coordenação criado pelo Presidente, analisando o contexto político, o papel da Casa Civil e as experiências anteriores de coordenação de investimentos prioritários. Do mesmo modo, investiga os possíveis impactos do PAC no Ministério dos Transportes.

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Much research has explored the relationship between economics and elections, and scholars have begun to explore how institutions mediate that link. However, the relationship between presidential institutions and electoral accountability remains largely unexplored in comparative politics. Because voters in presidential systems can cast votes for executive and legislative elections separately, we have good reasons to suspect that the institutions of presidentialism might generate different forms or degrees of accountability than parliamentarism. Powell and Whitten (1993) suggest that the partisan or institutional “clarity of responsibility” might mediate the relationship between economics and elections: when responsibility for outcomes is clear, the relationship should be strong, and vice-versa. I develop this notion for use in presidential systems, and explore executive and legislative elections in 24 countries. The results indicate that economics always influences the incumbent vote in executive elections, regardless of the partisan or institutional clarity of responsibility. Economics also affects vote swings in legislative elections, but the institutional clarity of responsibility does mediate this relationship: legislative accountability for national economic outcomes is lowest when clarity of responsibility is highest, a situation that arises when the president is relatively more powerful and the bases for electing legislators and the president differ. By providing an empirical basis for a discussion of accountability under presidentialism, these findings contribute to important debates in comparative politics.

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While countries managed to rapidly rise and recover economically, Brazilian social indicators have advanced at short pace in the last decades. Although millions of Brazilians have recently left poverty, Brazil still has a long way to go regarding its socioeconomic development. Circa one fifth of the population is still considered functionally illiterate, basic education has one of the poorest performances in the world, the country has no top-level universities nor produces technology or patents at relevant levels. This paper, at first, analyses how the interaction between government and private agents influenced Brazil’s industrial and economic development, identifying the existence of bonds based on the exchange of private interests that at great extension kept public policies from reaching goals of national interest – the so called crony capitalism. Secondly, the paper verifies how development policies based on the promotion of innovative companies and segments of the industry may positively impact broad socioeconomic development. The paper delves specifically into the cooperation between universities and industry as a development tool. Enterprises and universities, guided by their endogenous interests, may be combined for the structuring of a national innovation system. While universities are fundamentally interested in promoting knowledge accumulation, enterprises are willing to invest financial capital in universities in exchange for the economic exploitation of products developed within the academic environment and direct access to its human capital. Lastly, the paper identifies the legal and cultural barriers and advances of this mechanism in Brazil. It verifies that, notwithstanding the institutional advance promoted by the Law of Innovation to the university-enterprise cooperation in Brazil, the law wasn’t entirely capable of eliminating the legal uncertainty of this relationship and capturing in an efficient way the interests of the agents involved. Recently, federal law n. 12.863/2013 officially offered universities the option of bypassing problems related to public law by regulating support foundations, which conceives greater certainty and simplicity to the cooperation. There are, however, remaining uncertainties regarding the norms to be edited by the executive power, as well as conflicts of interest linked to the property rights over patents resulting from this kind of cooperation. The paper verifies, moreover, the existence of ideological resistance to this tool within universities, in such a way that it is unlikely that those relationships develop in a systematic way throughout the country without further engagement from the government and its executive and legislative bodies.

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The paper investigates the legal mechanisms used by the Legislature and the Executive to implement the constitutional principle of the teacher s minimum wage, which is proclaimed in the Constitution as a strategy of professional appreciation for this category. The text demonstrates that the legal mechanisms used to value the teacher were: the 1988 Constitution, the constitutional amendments to this Charter updated and modified the original text in relation to the matter, and finally, the Minimum Wage Law . Article nº 206 of 1988 s Federal Constitution established that basic education teachers, who work in public schools, would be entitled to a national minimum wage. Law nº 11.738/2008 ( Minimum Wage Law ) regulated the matter and made other determinations on the relationship between the State and the teachers such as the establishment of parameters for the distribution of the workload of teachers. Based on this law, since 2009 the minimum wage has been set annually by the Federal Government. However, state governments and municipalities throughout Brazil protested prescriptions contained in the Minimum Wage Law . In this context, some governors and mayors led the Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of this law. The complainants considered that there was unconstitutional by the following: definition of the teacher s workday, which in the complainants point of view was competence of local governments; ensuring that teachers receive salaries tied to the minimum wage with retroactive effect; transformation of the minimum wage in basic salary, lack of sufficient budget in the states and municipalities to honor with the new values to be paid to teachers and, finally, determining workload for the teacher to perform other activities besides classroom activities. At the trial held at the STF the majority of Ministers rejected the claim and considered that the Minimum Wage Law , taken together, was constitutional. However, this decision did not alter the position of the managers or the interpretation of the ministers who agreed with the unconstitutionality of some aspects of the law. This means that one law can present differences in interpretation between ordinary people and among members of the Judiciary. The search showed the following conclusions: the law is not a definitive parameter of justice, because it is deeply linked to various interests; the development, implementation, and judgment of laws dealing with minimum wage of teaching are linked to historical and cultural aspects of society; the demand for enhancement of teacher and setting a minimum wage has only emerged in the late twentieth century, a fact explained in this work based on data that indicate the recent concern of Brazilian State with schooling a phenomenon typically Republican and with the professionalization of teaching emerging concern from the knowledge society; the Legislative and Executive search mechanism to implement the minimum wage of the teachers because of the contemporary need for professionalization of teaching

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This article examines what political scientists think of the Brazilian political system, especially in regard to the relationship between the executive and legislative branches. There are two opposing camps of scholars who focus on how political parties behave in the Chamber of Deputies. While the first defends a political system that produces undisciplined representatives, the second supports a legislative organization that produces disciplined politicians.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The present study aims to investigate the interrelationship between the Relationship Marketing and Public Relations areas, high lighting its strategic value. The main goal is to discuss how the public relations professional can manage the customer loyalty by improving the after-sales services provided, applying it to a specific market such as business a viation. To establish the foundation to support the hypotheses, a revision of the subject literature was made, seeking to break down the barriers between marketing-mainly of relationship and public relations knowledge fields. A consult of the relevant literature was a continuous activity throughout the work. Divided into three chapters, the two first ones of fundamentals concepts, presents an after-sales services scenario, emphasizing the importance of the relationship and the definition of audiences in this area, in addition to a detailed description of the luxury market, a business aviation reality. The third chapter ends the discussion with a relationship proposal for Embraer Executive Jets, through actions based on the studied concepts. By gathering ideas and reflecting about the subject, using them to develop the proposal, a conclusion was resulted: the public relations professional is prepared and essential to build an effective after-sales relationship, since it's concerned about the communication excellence and knows the audiences significance in this process

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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE

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The government of a megalopolis, such as São Paulo, shows singular challenges that do not exist in less complex urban contexts. Being a city of a country with a recent industrialized economy, with an income (functional and geographical) highly concentrated, that has resumed the democracy for only one quarter of a century, this megacity lives with its own political and organizational assignments, due to the contradictory character of the political behavior of its habitants/ voters and of the traditionalist nature of populism and patronage in the relationship between the rulers and the ruled and between the Executive and Legislative powers at the local level. In such context, the difficulties to prosecute the assignments of the metropolitan organization, the decentralization and the institutionalization of citizen participatory channels in the governance and administrative activities are huge. The centrifuge forces (of the decentralization of the local government, through subprefectures), the centripetal forces ( of the metropolitan organization process) and the diffuse forces (of the claiming popular participation) act simultaneously over the deciding processes, in São Paulo, receiving, still, state and national political influences, since the city is a very significant historically producer of political and electoral capital. The analysis of the recent experience of the creation of the subprefectures and the representative counsels (fixed in the Municipality Organic Law of 1990) and the attempt to implement the participatory budgeting, in two occasions (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), reveal some of the social and political reasons that make difficult the establishment of a solidly democratic governance and of a more efficient public administration in the metropolitan area of São Paulo.

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One of the primary accomplishments of Governor Forrest Anderson in 1969-71 was the reorganization of the Executive Branch of Montana government, something that had been attempted six different times between 1919 and 1962 as state government had grown from twenty agencies to almost 200 uncontrolled boards, bureaus and commissions. The chaotic structure of the executive branch disempowered governors of both parties and empowered the private corporations and organizations that were the power structure of Montana. With remarkable political acumen, Governor Anderson figured out how to get that near impossible job done. Central to his efforts was the creation of an Executive Reorganization Commission, including eight legislators and the Governor, the adoption of a Constitutional Amendment that limited the executive branch to no more than twenty departments under the Governor, and the timely completion of a massive research effort to delineate the actual structure of the twenty departments. That story is told in this episode by three major players in the effort, all involved directly with the Executive Reorganization Commission: Tom Harrison, Diana Dowling and Sheena Wilson. Their recollections reflect an insider’s perspective of this significant accomplishment that helped change Montana “In the Crucible of Change.” Tom Harrison is a former Republican State Representative and State Senator from Helena, who was a member of the Executive Reorganization Commission. As Majority Leader in the Montana House of Representatives in 1971, he was the primary sponsor of the House’s executive reorganization bill and helped shepherd the Senate’s version to passage. Harrison was the Republican candidate for Attorney General in 1976 after which he practiced private law for 3 more decades. He served in the Montana Army National Guard for almost 34 years, rising to the rank of Colonel in the position of Judge Advocate General. He was a founding Director of Federal Defenders of Montana (legal representation for indigents accused within the Federal Judicial System); appointed Chairman of the original Montana State Fund (workers' compensation insurance) by Gov. Stephens; served as President of the Montana Trial Lawyers Association, Helena Kiwanis Club and St. Peter's Community Hospital Foundation, as well as Chairman and Director of AAA MountainWest; and was a founder, first Chairman and Director of the Valley Bank of Helena for over 25 years. Diana Dowling was an attorney for the Executive Reorganization Commission and helped draft the legislation that was passed. She also worked for Governor Forrest Anderson and for the 1972 Constitutional Convention where she prepared and directed publication of official explanation of the new Constitution that was mailed to all Montana voters. Diana was Executive Director of the Montana Bar Association and for 20 years held various legal positions with the Montana Legislative Council. For 12 years she was a commissioner on the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws and for 7 years was a member of Montana State Board of Bar Examiners. Diana was the first director of the Montana Lottery, an adjunct professor at both Carroll College and the UM Law School, and an administrative officer for Falcon Press Publishing Co. Diana is currently - and intends to continue being - a perpetual college student. Sheena Wilson came fresh out of the University of Montana to become a Research Assistant for the Executive Reorganization Commission. Later she worked for seven years as a field representative in Idaho and Montana for the Mountain Plains Family Education Program, for thirteen years with Congressman Pat Williams as Executive Assistant in Washington and Field Assistant here in Montana, owned and managed a Helena restaurant for seven years, worked as Executive Assistant for State Auditor John Morrison and was Deputy Chief of Staff for Governor Brian Schweitzer his full 8 years in the Governorship. Though currently “retired”, Sheena serves on the Montana Board of Investments, the Public Employees Retirement Board and the Capitol Complex Advisory Council and is a partner in a dry-land wheat farm in Teton County that was homesteaded by her great uncle.

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A sample of large industrial corporations is examined to determine whether there is a relationship between the levels of compensation received by the senior executives of those firms and the firms' economic performances. We find consistent evidence of such a relationship, with differences across firms in the total compensation of their three highest-paid officers being positively related to differences in both the common stock returns and operating profitability of the firms. The implication is that compensation packages are designed to reduce agency costs.

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Background: Children born very preterm (<32 weeks’ gestational age; VPT) and/or very low birth weight (<1500 g; VLBW) are at high risk of deficits in executive functions, namely inhibition, working memory, and shifting. Both, gestational age and socioeconomic factors, such as parental education, are known to influence executive functions, with children born at lower gestational age and with lower educated parents displaying worse executive skills. This study aimed to investigate if maternal and paternal education moderated the relationship between gestational age and executive functions in VPT/VLBW children aged 8-12 years. It was hypothesised that the disadvantageous effect of low gestational age could be buffered more easily in families with higher educational background. Methods: Sixty VPT/VLBW children born in the cohort of 1998-2003 were recruited. All children completed executive function tasks (inhibition, working memory, and shifting). Results: There was a significant dose-response-relationship between gestational age and inhibition, with children being born at earlier gestational age showing worse inhibition. However, neither maternal nor paternal education moderated the relationship between gestational age and executive functions significantly. Conclusion: children than parental education. The disadvantageous effect of low gestational age was equal in children with higher and lower educated parents. However, the impact of gestational age and parental education on executive functions may differ depending on the socioeconomic spectrum of the study sample.

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Current hypotheses postulate a relationship between executive dysfunction and freezing of gait (FOG) in Parkinson's disease (PD). Hitherto, most evidence comes from entirely clinical approaches, while knowledge about this relationship on the morphological level is sparse. The aim of this study was therefore to assess the overlap of gray matter atrophy associated with FOG and executive dysfunction in PD. We included 18 PD patients with FOG and 20 without FOG in our analysis. A voxel-based morphometry approach was used to reveal voxel clusters in the gray matter which were associated with FOG and executive dysfunction as measured by the Frontal Assessment Battery, respectively. Conjunction analysis was applied to detect overlaps of the associated patterns. FOG correlated with different cortical clusters in the frontal and parietal lobes, whereas those associated with the FAB scores were, although widespread, widely confined to the frontal lobe. Conjunction analysis revealed a significant cluster of gray matter loss in the right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex. We could show that the patterns of neurodegeneration associated with FOG and executive dysfunction (as measured by the FAB) share atrophic changes in the same cortical areas. However, there is also a considerable number of cortical areas where neurodegenerative changes are only unique for either sign. Particularly, the involvement of parietal lobe areas seems to be more specific for FOG.

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Traditionally, researchers have discussed executive function and metacognition independently. However, more recently, theoretical frameworks linking these two groups of higher order cognitive processes have been advanced. In this article, we explore the relationship between executive function and procedural metacognition, and summarize theoretical similarities. From a developmental perspective, the assumed theoretical resemblances seem to be supported, considering development trajectories and their substantial impact on areas that include learning and memory. Moreover, empirical evidence suggests direct relationships on the task level, on the level of latent variables, and in terms of involved brain regions. However, research linking the two concepts directly remains rare. We discuss evidence and developmental mechanisms, and propose ways researchers can investigate links between executive function and procedural metacognition.