Differences in the perception of interest representation: a comparision of Brasília and Brussels lobbying activity

The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

A Formação de gabinetes no governo do Estado do Espírito Santo (1995-2014)

Este trabalho analisa a formação de gabinetes no Governo do Estado do Espírito Santo no período 1995-2014. Para isso, parte-se do debate em torno do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro e suas aplicações ao nível subnacional, reforçando a importância de estudos de caso e estudos comparativos. Um resgaste da trajetória política do Espírito Santo é feita, ressaltando o período de crise na década de 1990 e a virada institucional que se deu no começo dos anos 2000. A composição da Assembleia Legislativa no período também é destacada, dada a sua importância para o entendimento das relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo. Foi construída uma base de dados com todos os Secretários de Estado do período, além de suas respectivas filiações partidárias, de acordo com dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE). Assim, pode-se comparar a composição partidária do gabinete e o tamanho das bancadas partidárias no Legislativo. Para análise da proporcionalidade dos gabinetes este estudo utiliza a Taxa de Coalescência de Amorim Neto (2000) e a aplicação do Índice G sugerido por Avelino, Biderman e Silva (2011). Além da tradicional utilização da filiação partidária dos secretários como proxy para a determinação de um elemento político no gabinete, há ainda a proposição e aplicação paralela de um novo critério que considera a filiação partidária e a ocorrência de candidatura prévia como indicativo de um secretário político. Os dois critérios utilizados mostram resultados diferenciados, e o fato de a maioria dos gabinetes formados não terem sido majoritários sugere que no Espírito Santo a distribuição de cargos no primeiro escalão de governo não seja a principal moeda de troca nos acordos entre Executivo e Legislativo.

Controles sobre o Judiciário geram governança e eficiência? Estudo sobre o CNJ e a Justiça Estadual

O objetivo desta tese é investigar a atuação do órgão de controle judicial no Poder Judiciário, focando na dimensão “Desempenho Administrativo Judicial”. Esta tese visa complementar o modelo de Taylor (2008) adicionando o CNJ como um elemento da melhoria do desempenho dos tribunais, por meio da implantação de ferramentas gerenciais e ocasionando impactos políticos e institucionais. O estudo se apoia no contexto político e organizacional do Judiciário para apresentar um complemento ao entendimento vigente sobre os mecanismos de mensuração de desempenho. Os impactos do CNJ foram analisados a partir de sete aspectos do processo de Reforma do Judiciário: 1. Padronização das estruturas; 2. Sistemas de gerenciamento centralizados; 3. Padronização de procedimentos internos; 4. Centralização orçamentária; 5. Financiamento de unidades judiciais; 6. Procedimentos disciplinar contra irregularidades e más condutas de magistrados; 7. Critérios meritocráticos e promoção de magistrados. Os dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas estruturadas com ex-conselheiros e conselheiros atuais do CNJ e considerou os dez anos de existência do CNJ (2004-2013), fornecendo uma perspectiva longitudinal. A análise temática ou categorial foi escolhida como a principal da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Os dados foram segmentados por questões, por categorias prévias e por categorias estabelecidas posteriormente. Foi evidenciado que o CNJ apresenta um efeito direto de atuação no “Desempenho Administrativo Judicial”: i) usando ferramentas de gestão que permitem os tribunais aprimorar a organização interna e elevar o nível de maturidade de governança; ii) moralizando e fiscalizando os Tribunais por meio de inspeções frequentes realizadas pela Corregedoria Nacional de Justiça que objetiva a resolução das irregularidades e o afastamento dos magistrados com más condutas no exercício do cargo. As evidências identificaram também impactos indiretos: i) o CNJ como um coordenador de ações do Judiciário, articulando melhor as relações com os representantes do Executivo e do Legislativo na obtenção de mais recursos orçamentários e financeiros para os tribunais; ii) o CNJ aumenta a autonomia do Judiciário reconhecendo os esforços de gestão dos tribunais e compartilhando as melhores práticas com os outros tribunais, com impactos na melhoria de infraestrutura e no desempenho. O aumento de controle promovido pelo CNJ reforçou a governança e a eficiência dos tribunais, mas com perca de autonomia num primeiro momento. Por outro lado, num segundo momento, possibilitou uma mudança de perfil nas indicações de seus conselheiros numa tentativa de enfraquecer o controle e aumentar autonomia dos tribunais.

O Estado e a aplicação de atos legistativos contrários ao princípio da reserva da lei penal

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Ascensão e queda do gabinete de 20 de novembro de 1827 (1827-1829)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

O processo de criação de uma universidade para a Amazônia: os bastidores da construção da UFOPA

Este estudo se propôs a realizar uma análise sobre o processo de criação da Universidade Federal do Oeste do Pará (UFOPA) para a Amazônia, compreendendo o papel dos atores institucionais na construção do projeto de criação desta Universidade, cujo compromisso era de a oficializarem como um bem patrimonial para o desenvolvimento da Amazônia. Nesse jogo de poder ficou em evidência o papel da burocracia e da política, e de suas relações de poder (Executivo e Legislativo) no processo decisivo da criação da uma Instituição Federal de Ensino Superior (IFES). Nesse sentido, as relações de poder no alto escalão (entre políticos e burocratas) configuraram-se na UFPA e nas três esferas de governo. Para a realização deste estudo foi feita uma pesquisa qualitativa utilizando-se dos instrumentos das notas taquigráficas e entrevistas, investigando burocratas e políticos. Os resultados apontam que a criação da UFOPA é resultado de uma ação coletiva e estratégica dos atores institucionais, e que o papel desempenhado foi de fundamental importância na elaboração, na defesa e na aprovação do Projeto de Lei de criação da UFOPA, como também apontam que esta universidade será de grande relevância para o desenvolvimento da região Oeste do Pará e para a Amazônia.

Os bastidores da Tribuna: mulher, política e poder no Maranhão

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Marketing de relacionamento e relações públicas: uma aplicação no serviço de pós-venda da Embraer Executive Jets

The present study aims to investigate the interrelationship between the Relationship Marketing and Public Relations areas, high lighting its strategic value. The main goal is to discuss how the public relations professional can manage the customer loyalty by improving the after-sales services provided, applying it to a specific market such as business a viation. To establish the foundation to support the hypotheses, a revision of the subject literature was made, seeking to break down the barriers between marketing-mainly of relationship and public relations knowledge fields. A consult of the relevant literature was a continuous activity throughout the work. Divided into three chapters, the two first ones of fundamentals concepts, presents an after-sales services scenario, emphasizing the importance of the relationship and the definition of audiences in this area, in addition to a detailed description of the luxury market, a business aviation reality. The third chapter ends the discussion with a relationship proposal for Embraer Executive Jets, through actions based on the studied concepts. By gathering ideas and reflecting about the subject, using them to develop the proposal, a conclusion was resulted: the public relations professional is prepared and essential to build an effective after-sales relationship, since it's concerned about the communication excellence and knows the audiences significance in this process

Entre a teoria e a história: a política comercial dos Estados Unidos na década de 1980

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Executive Reorganization: Building a State Government That Worked for People -- Tom Harrison, Diana Dowling & Sheena Wilson “In the Crucible of Change”

One of the primary accomplishments of Governor Forrest Anderson in 1969-71 was the reorganization of the Executive Branch of Montana government, something that had been attempted six different times between 1919 and 1962 as state government had grown from twenty agencies to almost 200 uncontrolled boards, bureaus and commissions. The chaotic structure of the executive branch disempowered governors of both parties and empowered the private corporations and organizations that were the power structure of Montana. With remarkable political acumen, Governor Anderson figured out how to get that near impossible job done. Central to his efforts was the creation of an Executive Reorganization Commission, including eight legislators and the Governor, the adoption of a Constitutional Amendment that limited the executive branch to no more than twenty departments under the Governor, and the timely completion of a massive research effort to delineate the actual structure of the twenty departments. That story is told in this episode by three major players in the effort, all involved directly with the Executive Reorganization Commission: Tom Harrison, Diana Dowling and Sheena Wilson. Their recollections reflect an insider’s perspective of this significant accomplishment that helped change Montana “In the Crucible of Change.” Tom Harrison is a former Republican State Representative and State Senator from Helena, who was a member of the Executive Reorganization Commission. As Majority Leader in the Montana House of Representatives in 1971, he was the primary sponsor of the House’s executive reorganization bill and helped shepherd the Senate’s version to passage. Harrison was the Republican candidate for Attorney General in 1976 after which he practiced private law for 3 more decades. He served in the Montana Army National Guard for almost 34 years, rising to the rank of Colonel in the position of Judge Advocate General. He was a founding Director of Federal Defenders of Montana (legal representation for indigents accused within the Federal Judicial System); appointed Chairman of the original Montana State Fund (workers' compensation insurance) by Gov. Stephens; served as President of the Montana Trial Lawyers Association, Helena Kiwanis Club and St. Peter's Community Hospital Foundation, as well as Chairman and Director of AAA MountainWest; and was a founder, first Chairman and Director of the Valley Bank of Helena for over 25 years. Diana Dowling was an attorney for the Executive Reorganization Commission and helped draft the legislation that was passed. She also worked for Governor Forrest Anderson and for the 1972 Constitutional Convention where she prepared and directed publication of official explanation of the new Constitution that was mailed to all Montana voters. Diana was Executive Director of the Montana Bar Association and for 20 years held various legal positions with the Montana Legislative Council. For 12 years she was a commissioner on the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws and for 7 years was a member of Montana State Board of Bar Examiners. Diana was the first director of the Montana Lottery, an adjunct professor at both Carroll College and the UM Law School, and an administrative officer for Falcon Press Publishing Co. Diana is currently - and intends to continue being - a perpetual college student. Sheena Wilson came fresh out of the University of Montana to become a Research Assistant for the Executive Reorganization Commission. Later she worked for seven years as a field representative in Idaho and Montana for the Mountain Plains Family Education Program, for thirteen years with Congressman Pat Williams as Executive Assistant in Washington and Field Assistant here in Montana, owned and managed a Helena restaurant for seven years, worked as Executive Assistant for State Auditor John Morrison and was Deputy Chief of Staff for Governor Brian Schweitzer his full 8 years in the Governorship. Though currently “retired”, Sheena serves on the Montana Board of Investments, the Public Employees Retirement Board and the Capitol Complex Advisory Council and is a partner in a dry-land wheat farm in Teton County that was homesteaded by her great uncle.

Prospective memory, executive functions and metacognitive control: An empirical approach to their structural interrelations in young elementary school children

Introduction Prospective memory (PM), the ability to remember to perform intended activities in the future (Kliegel & Jäger, 2007), is crucial to succeed in everyday life. PM seems to improve gradually over the childhood years (Zimmermann & Meier, 2006), but yet little is known about PM competences in young school children in general, and even less is known about factors influencing its development. Currently, a number of studies suggest that executive functions (EF) are potentially influencing processes (Ford, Driscoll, Shum & Macaulay, 2012; Mahy & Moses, 2011). Additionally, metacognitive processes (MC: monitoring and control) are assumed to be involved while optimizing one’s performance (Krebs & Roebers, 2010; 2012; Roebers, Schmid, & Roderer, 2009). Yet, the relations between PM, EF and MC remain relatively unspecified. We intend to empirically examine the structural relations between these constructs. Method A cross-sectional study including 119 2nd graders (mage = 95.03, sdage = 4.82) will be presented. Participants (n = 68 girls) completed three EF tasks (stroop, updating, shifting), a computerised event-based PM task and a MC spelling task. The latent variables PM, EF and MC that were represented by manifest variables deriving from the conducted tasks, were interrelated by structural equation modelling. Results Analyses revealed clear associations between the three cognitive constructs PM, EF and MC (rpm-EF = .45, rpm-MC = .23, ref-MC = .20). A three factor model, as opposed to one or two factor models, appeared to fit excellently to the data (chi2(17, 119) = 18.86, p = .34, remsea = .030, cfi = .990, tli = .978). Discussion The results indicate that already in young elementary school children, PM, EF and MC are empirically well distinguishable, but nevertheless substantially interrelated. PM and EF seem to share a substantial amount of variance while for MC, more unique processes may be assumed.

Increasing popular participation in the treaty-making process : the legislative process of Section 190 of the 2007 Constitution of Thailand

Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.

Legislative proposals and issues relevant to the operations of the inspectors general : hearing before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Sixth Congress, second session, July 19, 2000.

Shipping list no.: 2001-0052-P.