991 resultados para Divorce (Jewish law)


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Recent analyses of National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) data show that male-to-female separation/divorce assault varies across geographic regions in the United States, with rural rates of such woman abuse being higher than those for suburban and urban areas. Using the same data set, the main objective of this paper is to present the results of an investigation into whether characteristics of female victims of separation/divorce assault also differ across urban, suburban, and rural communities.

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This paper investigates copyright law and public architecture in the context of cultural institutions of Australia. Part 1 examines the case of the Sydney Opera House to illustrate the past position of architects in respect of copyright law. It goes onto consider the framework laid down by the Copyright Amendment (Moral Rights) Act 2000 (Cth) to resolve copyright disputes over moral rights and architecture. Part 2 considers the argument over the proposed renovations to the National Gallery of Australia between Dr Brian Kennedy and the original architect Colin Madigan. Part 3 finally deals with the allegations that Ashton Raggatt McDougall, the architects of the National Museum of Australia, plagiarised the designs of Daniel Libeskind for the Jewish Berlin Museum.

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Early in 1943 the Barosins were arrested and sent to the deportation camp in Gurs. They were freed by French authorities and went into hiding until their liberation in 1944 in Paris. In 1947 they emigrated to the United States.

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The memoirs were written in New York in 1999. Description of the childhood of Rosemarie Schink, the author's mother, in the rural area of Meuszelwitz, Thuringia, where her grandfather, Franz Harnish, was the station manager. Rosemarie Schink eloped to Amsterdam with the Dutch Jew Judah Easel in 1931. The marriage fall apart soon thereafter, and Rosemarie was taken under the wings of her father-in-law Joseph Easel. The couple stayed officially married until their divorce in 1940, and Rosemarie worked in the pension of her in-laws. She had a long affair with the German Jew Guy Weinberg from Hamburg, a married man who was living in Amsterdam and became the father of her daughter Julia. Description of the Weinberg family history. In 1941 Rosemarie Schink married the Austrian Jewish lawyer Herbert Mauthner, the eldest of three sons of Robert Mauthner, director of the Bodenbacher-Dux Railroad and Melanie Leitner, daughter of a wealthy family from Veszprem, Hungary. Mauthner family history and nobility of the Leitner family, who were admitted to the court of the Austrian Kaiser Franz Joseph.

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History of the Nelki and Russo families in Berlin; concentrates mainly on first half of the 20th century; most members of the family were physicians; persecution in Nazi period; emigration to England; attached is the story of Eva Edith Ehrlich who survived the war years in Berlin in hiding.

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The records of the GJCA relate to the entire range of activities involved in receiving and placing refugee children from 1933 through the 1950s. The later materials are records of the European Jewish Children's Aid. Activities included: maintaining the reception center in New Jersey; transportation arrangements; placement in homes; issuing affidavits and passports; granting scholarships; naturalization of children; setting of GJCA policy. By-laws, minutes, reports, correspondence and certificate of incorporation. Correspondence of executive officers, mainly Cecilia Razovsky, 1930s. Correspondence between William Haber and Lotte Marcuse, 1939-40. File of Dr. Solomon Lowenstein. Minutes of meetings of the Finance Committee. Field reports, inter-office memoranda, financial and statistical reports. Correspondence with organizations and governmental agencies: Society of Friends (Quakers) in Vienna; Israelitische Kultusgemeinde of Vienna; Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland; Federation for the Support of Jewish Philanthropic Societies; Department of Justice; New York State Department of Social Welfare; U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service; American Friends Service Committee; American Jewish Congress; B'nai Brith; National Council of Jewish Women. Correspondence with individuals: Max S. Perlman, William Rosenwald, Paul Felix Warburg. In addition to the general administrative records, there are thousands of case files.

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Discusses the rights and responsibilities of trustees and beneficiaries of co-owned land under the Trusts of Land and Appointment of Trustees Act 1996, in particular s.14 which allows the court to make an order declaring the extent and nature of a person's interest in the property. Refers to the Court of Appeal decision in Avis v Turner on whether the existence of an earlier court order postponing the sale of matrimonial property following the owners' divorce meant that an application could not be brought by a trustee in bankruptcy under s.14. Considers the "exceptional circumstances" which could allow the court to postpone the sale. [From Legal Journals Index]

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The term cultural property seems to have come into vogue after the Second World War as part of efforts to prevent the recurrence of the massive war-time destruction of objects of cultural significance to various groups and, in some cases, to all of humanity. The 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict symbolises those efforts. Destruction is not the only doomsday scenario for cultural property. Removal of objects from their owners or region of origin is another concern. This, too, had occurred during the Second World War with the nazis’ looting treasures of all kinds from occupied territories, not to mention the massive confiscation of the property of their Jewish victims everywhere. But the concern was older, as Merryman for one shows in the story of the Elgin marbles, brought from Greece to England during the 19th century. This concern has found expression in a 1970 UNESCO treaty and in a 1995 Unidroit Convention seeking to halt international traffic in cultural property.

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Dans cette thèse de sociologie du droit, nous étudions l'influence du droit de l'État sur les sujets de droit. Notre hypothèse générale est que les intermédiaires du droit de l'État contribuent de façon importante à façonner le« rapport au droit» des sujets de droit. C'est-à-dire qu'ils auraient une incidence sur la construction de la relation d'influence du droit sur ces acteurs sociaux et, par là, un effet marqué sur la « légitimité empirique » du droit. Par leurs pratiques professionnelles les intermédiaires du droit auraient une incidence notable, quoique non exclusive, sur les formes concrètes de «rapports au droit» des sujets de droit. Dans l'étude de ce phénomène, nous comparons empiriquement les liens existant entre différents « rapports au droit » des sujets de droit et un droit caractérisé par une rationalité juridique fort différente selon qu'il aurait été porté par un avocat ou un médiateur. Ces deux groupes de professionnels sont les intermédiaires du droit qui font 1’objet de notre observation, laquelle n'est ni générale, ni globale, mais spécifique au divorce, géographiquement localisée à Montréal et historiquement située au début des années 1990. L'intérêt de cette période pour une étude de l'influence du droit sur les sujets de droit est qu'elle constitue un moment unique de l'histoire à Montréal. À cette époque, les différences entre les pratiques professionnelles des avocats et des médiateurs auraient été les plus extrêmes, ce qui favorise un travail de comparaison d'autant plus éclairant. En effet, au début des années 1990, après une dizaine d'années d'expérience, le Service de médiation à la famille de Montréal avait réussi à assurer une solide pratique professionnelle. Par ailleurs, la pratique professionnelle des avocats dans le domaine du divorce était déjà fort « modernisée », mais elle demeurait encore très peu influencée par la médiation familiale. Puisque le « rapport au droit » des personnes qui ont consulté ces intermédiaires du droit en vue de leur divorce est au cœur de 1 'étude, c'est auprès d'eux que nous avons réalisé des entretiens, et c'est l'analyse de ces entretiens qui permet de comprendre leur « rapport au droit». La sociologie de Max Weber est la perspective scientifique dans laquelle nous avons inscrit notre recherche. Une telle ambition exigeait que nous ne restions pas confinée aux seuls concepts les plus populaires. Par conséquent, une partie importante de cette thèse est consacrée à une présentation substantielle de la sociologie wébérienne. Sur cette base, nous avons construit notre stratégie d'enquête et nos instruments d'analyse idéal typiques. Non seulement il n'y a pas, chez Weber, de théorie systémique générale composée de lois explicatives des relations sociales, mais il n'y a pas non plus de modèle de cadre d'analyse particulier préfabriqué qui serait constitué comme un «prêt-à-porter» applicable en vue de réaliser des recherches empiriques, que ce soit dans le domaine du droit ou dans n'importe quel autre domaine d'activité humaine. En revanche, la sociologie wébérienne fournit plusieurs séries de repères conceptuels. Ils permettent d'organiser la recherche empirique sans jamais limiter les objets d'enquêtes possibles, ni l'imagination du chercheur, en autant que celui-ci a pour but de comprendre l'action sociale en l'interprétant et, par-là, de l'expliquer causalement dans son déroulement et ses effets. C'est là le projet de connaissance que Weber désigne par « sociologie ». Il vise ce projet de connaissance, non pas de manière générale et globale, mais toujours de manière particulière selon les domaines d'activité, les lieux, les époques, les sphères de valeurs, etc. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons un cadre d'analyse qui peut servir à poser et à approfondir toutes sortes de questions sur le droit et son influence, sans jamais qu'il soit considéré comme un système de lois à la manière du droit positif. Ce cadre d'analyse vise à appréhender le droit comme une sorte de relation sociale que l'on peut comprendre sociologiquement en considérant, notamment, les représentations juridiques des différentes catégories d'acteurs sociaux. C'est là la première, non pas la seule, condition à rencontrer en vue de respecter les exigences de la connaissance empirique du droit parce que le « droit empirique » ne se trouve pas dans la règle de droit positif. Il se trouve là où il est « porté » par des êtres humains et, en particulier, par des groupes d'humains qui détiennent une importante dose d'influence sociale. Nous souhaitons que cette étude, grâce à 1 'immense apport de la sociologie de Max Weber, contribue à la compréhension sociologique d'un aspect du « droit empirique» de l’État contemporain.

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Les normes juridiques étatiques cohabitent avec les normes juridiques religieuses. En résulte parfois un décalage pour les croyants. En ce qui concerne le divorce notamment, la conciliation entre ces deux ordres normatifs pose de nombreux problèmes. Ainsi, pour les femmes désirant dissoudre leur mariage, la reconnaissance des normes religieuses par le droit aura une incidence directe sur la réalisation de leurs droits fondamentaux. Cette étude s’attarde à la façon dont cohabitent ces ordres normatifs en droit et à l’impact de leur considération en ce qui a trait au divorce. Elle propose, plus spécifiquement, une analyse de ces questions centrée sur le droit canadien et le droit américain.

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In Feminism and the Power of Law Carol Smart argued that feminists should use non-legal strategies rather than looking to law to bring about women’s liberation. This article seeks to demonstrate that, as far as marriage is concerned, she was right. Statistics and contemporary commentary show how marriage, once the ultimate and only acceptable status for women, has declined in social significance to such an extent that today it is a mere lifestyle choice. This is due to many factors, including the ‘sexual revolution’ of the 1960s, improved education and job opportunities for women, and divorce law reform, but the catalyst for change was the feminist critique that called for the abandonment (rather than the reform) of the institution and made the unmarried state possible for women. I conclude that this loss of significance has been more beneficial to British women in terms of the possibility of ‘liberation’ than appeals for legal change and recognition, and that we should continue to be wary of looking to law to solve women’s problems.

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Loyalty n3 is the catalyst for an enormous amount of admirable human conduct. It is also a desirable virtue: 'in loyalty . . . is the fulfilment of the whole of morality'. n4 It may be justly argued that loyalty grounds more of the principled, honourable and other kinds of non-selfish behaviour in which people engage than does any other moral principle. Curiously, loyalty is almost totally ignored by the law. The area of law in which the principle of loyalty most acutely applies (at least potentially) is family law -- in particular to the concept of marriage. n5 Loyalty is the brussel sprout of the law. Almost everyone recognises [*2] its inherent goodness but few are prepared to make a meal of it. Despite its moral desirability, there are virtually no legal principles that are expressly derived from, or give effect to, the virtue of loyalty. This paper examines the extent to which loyalty should be given legal recognition in matrimonial law. Although the main purpose of this paper is to raise awareness of the potential relevance of loyalty to the dissolution of marriage (and therefore to encourage further consideration and debate on this issue), for the sake of completeness we provide an example of a legal framework in which loyalty should be incorporated into matrimonial law. We argue that within the scope of the 'no-fault' based system of divorce in some circumstances betrayals should be penalised by means of a reduced property settlement.

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This contribution introduces the volume by classifying the collection into 3 categories: (i) examinations of the area of property law which focus on the relationship between the decisions in White, Figgins and Lambert; (ii) reactions to the implications of McFarlane, Parlour for the evolution of spousal maintenance; (iii) more general theoretical considerations of ‘fairness’. It is argued that the judicial response to the breadth of the discretion provided by the respective legislatures has been to create ‘rules of thumb’; and that the absence of any serious examination of underlying principles has been to permit opportunistic cross-referencing between the jurisdictions. In this context it is argued that (analogously with the introduction of no-fault divorce) the recent attraction of ‘equality’ as a governing principle owes more to the incapacity and/or unwillingness of the forensic process to evaluate contribution in a coherent manner than to any genuine commitment to substantive equality.