895 resultados para Corporate political activity
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Image from publication: Michiganensian, 1981. University of Michigan (Daybook, image #56)
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From Diag [Diagonal] looking toward Rackham
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Commonly known as the Brewster report.
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Honors thesis
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Hans Siebert war als exponierter SED-Funktionär der wirkungsstärkste Vertreter stalinistischer Erziehungsauffassungen in der SBZ und frühen DDR. Die nachstehende biographische Recherche erhellt insbesondere die Entstehungsgeschichte seiner Auffassungen im englischen Exil. Dabei wird den bislang kaum beachteten Erziehungs- und Schulungsunternehmungen der KPD nachgegangen. Es wird deutlich, daß Siebert, der besonders eng an sowjetische Vorbilder gebunden war, nur bis in die fünfziger Jahre tatsächlich Einfluß auf die Bildungspolitik hatte und danach in eine Außenseiterposition geriet. (DIPF/Orig.)
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Politische Teilhabe und Raum für Subjektivität gehen Hand in Hand. Menschen in schwierigen und benachteiligten Lebenslagen wird der Raum für unabhängiges, kritisches, politisches Denken und Handeln aufgrund der Prekarität ihres Lebensalltages jedoch zusehends entzogen. Theaterarbeit kann hier ein Ort sein, um (wieder) Zugang zum eigenen Erleben, zu den eigenen Sichtweisen und zur eigenen Sprache zu finden; Beteiligung wird erfahrbar gemacht und soziale Grenzen können überschritten werden. Im Zentrum des vorliegenden Beitrages steht das Legislative Theater nach Augusto Boal, das politische Öffentlichkeit unter Einschluss der "Ausgeschlossenen" ermöglicht und darüber hinaus demokratische Beteiligung eröffnet. Vorgestellt werden Geschichte, Ablauf, aber auch drei konkret von InterACT umgesetzte Beispiele in Österreich und deren nachhaltige politische Einflussnahme. Fazit des Autors: Politisches und demokratisches Lernen entwickeln sich vor allem nahe an den Lebenslagen und Lebenswelten des/der Einzelnen. (DIPF/Orig.)
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No pós-guerra iniciou-se um processo de internalização política dos direitos fundamentais das mulheres com base na Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem, (10 de dezembro de 1948), onde são enaltecidos direitos e valores como a Liberdade e a Igualdade. A adoção da Declaração por parte de países democráticos, como o caso de Portugal, conduziu ao exercício de cidadania plena, independentemente do género, da raça e da religião. Assim, a não discriminação tornou-se um princípio a aplicar nas esferas familiares, públicas e laborais. Tal significa, por exemplo, partilha de tarefas domésticas entre homens e mulheres, participação na vida comunitária e iguais oportunidades laborais. Mas foram superadas as discriminações? Que se passa a nível laboral? A presente dissertação resulta de uma investigação sobre a situação laboral das mulheres em serviços onde constitucionalmente usufruem dos mesmos direitos que os seus colegas homens. Incide sobre os serviços públicos, privados e empresas de Ponte de Sor e tem por referencial o III Plano Nacional para a Igualdade de Cidadania e Género (2007/2010), cuja principal linha orientadora é "o aprofundamento de atividade política e de realidade social (gendermainstreaming)" (2007, p.l5). Com a realização deste estudo concretizámos um trabalho constituído por 3 capítulos, onde se constata que “No Caminho da Cidadania..." é um processo lento. No primeiro capítulo procurou-se abordar a origem histórica do conceito de cidadania e no capítulo segundo tratou se da relação da mulher com o trabalho e o poder. O terceiro capítulo, e último, dá conta dos resultados de questionários realizados em Ponte de Sor, nos serviços públicos e privados, e empresas. A conclusão revela a perplexidade causada pela quase indiferença em relação às questões de género nos Serviços questionados em Ponte de Sor. SUMMARY: After World War I began a process of political antinationalization of the women fundamental rights based on the Universal Declaration of the Human Rights, (1Oth December 1948), where rights and values like liberty and equality are exalted. The adoption of the Declaration by the democratically countries, like Portugal, leaded to the execution of full citizenship, independently of gender, race and religion. Therefore, nondiscrimination became a principle to apply in the family, public and labor spheres. This means, for example, share of domestic tasks between men and women, participation in the communal life, and equal opportunities of labor. But were the discriminations surpassed? What is going on the labor level This dissertation results from an inquiry about the labor situation of women in service where constitutionally make uses of the same rights as their colleague’s men. It reflects on the public, private and companies of Ponte de Sor which has for yardstick the III National Plan for Equality of Citizenship and Gender (2007/2010), whose mainline adviser is "the political activity and the social reality deepening (gender mainstreaming)" (2007, p.15). Through this study we fixed a work constituted by three chapters, where it established that "On the Path of Citizenship ..." is a slow process. ln the first chapter tried to broach the historical origin of the concept of citizenship and in the second paragraph was approached the relation of women with labor and power. The third, and last, chapter tries to show the results of questionnaires carried out in Ponte de Sor, in the public, private services and companies. The conclusion reveals the perplexity caused by the barely indifference regarding the questions of genre in the Services questioned in Ponte de Sor.
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This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.
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Food in schools is typically understood from a biomedical perspective. At practical, ideational and material levels, whether addressed pedagogically or bureaucratically, food in schools is generally considered from a natural sciences perspective. This perspective manifests as the bioenergetic principle of energy in versus energy out and appears in policy focused on issues such as obesity and physical activity. Despite the considerable literature on the sociology of food and eating, little is understood about food in schools from a sociological perspective. This oversight of one of the most fundamental requirements of the human condition--namely, food--should be of concern for educators. Investigating food through a political economy lens means understanding food in schools as part of broader economic, political, social and cultural conditions. Hence, a political economy of food and schooling is concerned with the formation of ideas about food relative to political, economic, and cultural ideologies in social practice. From a critical sociology study of food messages students receive in the primary school curriculum, this paper reports on some of the official food messages of an Australian state's education policy, as a case to highlight the current political economy of food in Australia. It examines the role of the corporate food industry in the formation of Australian food policy and how that policy created artefacts infused with competing messages. The paper highlights how food and nutrition policy moved from solely a health concern to incorporate an economic dimension and links that shift with the quality of food available in Queensland schools.
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This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyse material shifts in the political economy of communications. It examines texts of major corporations to describe four key changes in political economy: (1) the separation of ownership from control; (2) the separation of business from industry; (3) the separation of accountability from responsibility; and (4) the subjugation of ‘going concerns’ by overriding concerns. The authors argue that this amounts to a political economic shift from traditional concepts of ‘capitalism’ to a new ‘corporatism’ in which the relationships between public and private, state and individual interests have become redefined and obscured through new discourse strategies. They conclude that the present financial and regulatory ‘crisis’ cannot be adequately resolved without a new analytic framework for examining the relationships between corporation, discourse and political economy.