Integration Of Strength and Process Modelling of Friction-Stir-Welded Fuselage Panels

In order to reduce potential uncertainties and conservatism in welded panel analysis procedures, understanding of the relationships between welding process parameters and static strength is required. The aim of this study is to determine and characterize the key process induced properties of advanced welding assembly methods on stiffened panel local buckling and collapse performance. To this end, an in-depth experimental and computational study of the static strength of a friction stir welded fuselage skin-stiffener panel subjected to compression loading has been undertaken. Four welding process effects, viz. the weld joint width, the width of the weld Heat Affected Zone, the strength of material within the weld Heat Affected Zone and the magnitude of welding induced residual stress, are investigated. A fractional factorial experiment design method (Taguchi) has been applied to identify the relative importance of each welding process effect and investigate effect interactions on both local skin buckling and crippling collapse performance. For the identified dominant welding process effects, parametric studies have been undertaken to identify critical welding process effect magnitudes and boundaries. The studies have shown that local skin buckling is principally influenced by the magnitude of welding induced residual stress and that the strength of material in the Heat Affected Zone and the magnitude of the welding induced residual stress have the greatest influence on crippling collapse behavior.


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Sex Education in Northern Ireland Schools: a Critical Evaluation.

To date there has been little research on young people and sexuality in Northern Ireland. This paper draws on the first major study in this area to analyse the delivery of formal sex education in schools. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used to access young people's opinions about the quality of the sex education they had received at school. Overall, they reported high levels of dissatisfaction, with notable variations in relation to both gender and religious affiliation. In one sense their opinions mesh well with those of young people in other parts of these islands. At the same time the specificity of sexuality in Ireland plays a key role in producing the moral system that underlies much of formal sex education in schools. Underpinned by a particularly traditional and conservative strain of Christian morality, sex education in Northern Ireland schools is marked by conservatism and silence and by the avoidance of opportunities for informed choice in relation to sexuality on the part of young people.

Paul Karl Feyerabend Las proyecciones de la proliferación teórica en la relación ciencia-metafísica

La doctrina de la Proliferación teórica de Paul Karl Feyerabend ha sido interpretada por sus especialistas como un intento de salvaguardar el ideal del progreso científico. Aunque tales estudios hacen justicia, en parte, a la intencionalidad de nuestro filósofo no explicitan la crítica fundamental que implica para Feyerabend el pluralismo teórico. La proliferación teórica constituye en sí misma una reductio ad absurdum de los distintos intentos del positivismo lógico y del racionalismo crítico por definir la ciencia a expensas de lo metafísico. Este artículo presenta la proliferación teórica como una reivindicación del papel positivo que ocupa la metafísica en el quehacer científico. Se consigna la defensa que hace Feyerabend de la metafísica en cuanto que ésta constituye la posibilidad de superar el conservadurismo conceptual, aumentar de contenido empírico de la ciencia y recuperar el valor descriptivo de las teorías científicas.

Alasdair MacIntyre and the Hope for a Politics of Virtuous Interdependence

Rebellion, philosophic and political, impels the work of Alasdair MacIntyre. Neither of the left nor the right, he treads a borderline path between conservatism and radicalism in holding to a socialist Thomistic Aristotelianism underpinned by a deliberative ‘ethic of care’ that is implacably opposed to modernity and the advanced capitalist nation-state. The depth of this opposition arouses strong opinions in friend and foe alike. To some he is an eminently dispensable reactionary whose sole consistent feature is an inexplicable ‘hatred of liberal individualism’ (Lessnoff 1999: 4). To others he appears a revolutionary enunciating a departure capable of legitimating the activities of ordinary persons so ‘that previously isolated struggles might be transformed into a new class war of attrition’ (Knight 1996: 896). However, neither interpretation rings true. MacIntyre does develop a cogent critique of the present, but this critique points in directions towards which no politics could hope to move.

Dilemmatic human-animal boundaries in Britain and Romania: Post-materialist and materialist dehumanization

Theories of dehumanization generally assume a single clear-cut, value-free and non-dilemmatic boundary between the categories 'human' and 'animal'. The present study highlights the relevance of dilemmas involved in drawing that boundary. In six focus groups carried out in Romania and Britain, 42 participants were challenged to think about dilemmas pertaining to animal and human life. Four themes were identified: rational autonomy, sentience, speciesism and maintaining materialist and post-materialist values. Sentience made animals resemble humans, while humans' rational autonomy made them distinctive. Speciesism underlay the human participants' prioritization of their own interests over those of animals, and a conservative consensus that the existing social system could not change supported this speciesism when it was challenged. Romanian participants appealed to Romania's lack of modernity and British participants to Britain's modernity to justify such conservatism. The findings suggest that the human-animal boundary is not essentialized; rather it seems that such boundary is constructed in a dilemmatic and post hoc way. Implications for theories of dehumanization are discussed.

Religiosity, Political Orientation, and Consequentialist Moral Thinking

Three studies demonstrated that the moral judgments of religious individuals and political conservatives are highly insensitive to consequentialist (i.e., outcome-based) considerations. In Study 1, both religiosity and political conservatism predicted a resistance toward consequentialist thinking concerning a range of transgressive acts, independent of other relevant dispositional factors (e.g., disgust sensitivity). Study 2 ruled out differences in welfare sensitivity as an explanation for these findings. In Study 3, religiosity and political conservatism predicted a commitment to judging “harmless” taboo violations morally impermissible, rather than discretionary, despite the lack of negative consequences rising from the act. Furthermore, non-consequentialist thinking style was shown to mediate the relationship religiosity/conservatism had with impermissibility judgments, while intuitive thinking style did not. These data provide further evidence for the influence of religious and political commitments in motivating divergent moral judgments, while highlighting a new dispositional factor, non-consequentialist thinking style, as a mediator of these effects.

Politics and Gender in Ireland: The Quest for Political Agency

This book explores the relationship between women, the state and democratic politics in Ireland today. It highlights the conservatism of the political culture shared by all traditions on the island, and how this culture circumscribes women’s political agency in Northern Ireland and Ireland. The book explores the opportunities and obstacles to women’s participation and representation on each side of the border. The chapters take the view that public decision-making institutions and processes are subject to rules and practices that reinforce the gendered foundations of democratic politics. They document women’s continuing quest for full participation and equal representation in these male-gendered arenas. The contributors focus on the marginalised experiences of women in modern politics in Ireland and detail their efforts to challenge the masculinized status quo. The book addresses the classical issues of citizenship, participation, representation and equal rights in a sustained analysis of the political systems on the island. It also deals with modern issues – multiculturalism, peace-building, the male-gendered legislature and the unequal nature of women’s citizenship in constitutional, institutional and policy contexts. The book is completed by a comprehensive appendix of all women elected to political office on the island from 1918-2013.

Youth attitudes toward difference and diversity: a cross-national analysis

This paper analyses youth attitudes toward difference and cultural diversity. Firstly, we analyse data from 65 countries showing that youths are more tolerant than older people toward both stigmatised groups and groups perceived as racially or ethnically different. Findings also show that political conservatism is a very stable predictor of intolerance to difference. Secondly, we study the appraisals of cultural diversity in 21 European countries, showing that youths express greater openness to cultural diversity than older people. In this new study, while values of conservation correlate negatively with openness to cultural diversity, values of self-transcendence correlate positively.

Centro Republicano Federal de Ponta Delgada: ideologia, organização e dinâmica (1880-1888)

A criação do Centro Republicano Federal de Ponta Delgada em 1880 inscreve-se nos projectos republicanos federalistas e insere-se no quadro do seu movimento expansionista. Com a publicação do periódico A Republica Federal vinculado ao republicanismo português, o Centro instituiu o seu órgão de imprensa e principal elemento propagandístico. As suas páginas foram portadoras das novas concepções políticas e o elemento impulsionador das novas ideologias propagadas por Teófilo Braga, candidato a deputado e figura titular deste Centro. A sua leitura mostra-nos o percurso e o posicionamento político-ideológico dos republicanos micaelenses, particularmente em Ponta Delgada. Enquanto espaço público politizado, A Republica Federal foi o principal palco dos debates e disputas partidárias na luta contra as instituições monárquicas e no combate pela destituição dos poderes há muito implantados. Apresenta-nos um trajecto de contestação à centralização do poder, à oposição e resistência com que se depararam os republicanos na tentativa de por fim aos privilégios e práticas de corrupção que permitiam um controle pernicioso dos processos eleitorais, abalando inevitavelmente o conservadorismo das elites locais com costumes e preconceitos difíceis de alterar. Foi no Centro Republicano Federal de Ponta Delgada e no seu jornal que convergiram os projectos de descentralização administrativa, foram eles os promotores e foco disseminador do ideário republicano federal, aglutinando as aspirações dos republicanos que pretendem instalar-se como sistema alternativo.

Utopia and its Discontents: Dreams of Catastrophe and the End of 'the End of History'

The institutionalization of Utopia Studies in the last decade is premised upon a specifically aesthetic reception of Ernst Bloch’s theory of the “utopian impulse” during the 1980s and 1990s. A postmodern uneasiness to both left and right formulations of the "End of History" during this period imposes a resistance to concepts of historical and political closure or totality, resulting in a "Utopianism without Utopia". For all the attractiveness of this pan-utopianism, its failure to consider the relation between historical representation and fulfillment renders it consummate with liberalism as a merely inverted conservatism. In contrast to this specific recuperation of a Bloch, the continuing importance of Walter Benjamin’s theory of the dialectical image and the speculative concept of historical experience which underlies it becomes apparent. The intrusion of the historical Absolute is coded throughout Benjamin’s thought as the eruptive and mortuary figure of catastrophe, which stands as the dialectical counterpart to the utopian wish images of the collective dream. Indeed, the motto under which the Arcades Project was to be constructed derives from Adorno: “Each epoch dreams of itself as annihilated by catastrophe”.

Planeamento de curto prazo de sistemas de energia solar usando técnicas de otimização robusta

Dissertação para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica

Determinantes da escolha do modelo de revalorização na mensuração subsequente dos ativos fixos tangíveis em Portugal e no Brasil

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Contabilidade e Finanças, sob orientação da Professora Doutora Cláudia Maria Ferreira Pereira

Why are people liberal? : a motivated social cognition perspective

The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslconservatism is related to a number of psychological needs (e.g., Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a). However, there is minimal research examining why individuals adopt political liberalism. By focussing on the political right and not considering the political left, there might be other motivational underpinnings of political orientation that have been overlooked. In four studies, the present dissertation ail)1ed to fill this gap by investigating what chronic and situationally induced needs underlie political orientation, with a focus on political liberalism. Based on psychological the9ries of ideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.

Investigating the Relationships Between Teacher Identity Norms and Collaboration

The purpose of this study was to investigate how teacher identity norms relate to teacher collaboration among the practices of elementary teachers in Ontario. Using quantitative research methods, the data indicated two clusters of teacher identity norms. The norm cluster of innovation, interdependence, and cooperation showed positive correlations with collaboration and the norm cluster of conservatism, individualism, and competition showed negative correlations with collaboration. The two clusters of norms also correlated with each other. The data showed that teachers highly valued collaboration as part of their teaching practice but did not always experience it in their school setting. The analysis suggested that if schools reinforce norms of innovation, interdependence, and cooperation, collaboration will be nurtured. Further, the data showed that if norms of conservatism, individualism, and competition are continued in school cultures, then collaboration will not be sustained. As a broad educational reform agenda, teacher collaboration is used (a) to support school cultures, (b) to change teaching practices, and (c) to implement policy-based initiatives. This research is expected to benefit teachers in its capacity to inform policy makers concerning the highly complex nature of teacher collaboration and some of the factors that impact it. With an understanding of the relationships between teacher identity norms and collaboration, it may be possible for policy makers to provide appropriate support structures that reinforce collaboration in teachers' practices as well as predict potential levels of collaboration within school cultures.

Représentations sociales interethniques en région : les cas de Drummondville et de Gatineau

Les études portant sur la régionalisation de l’immigration au Québec ont largement traité de la question des avantages démographiques, politiques et économiques d’une telle pratique en matière de repeuplement des régions touchées par l’exode des jeunes, alors que celles portant sur la dimension sociale de l’établissement d’immigrants en région se font plus rares. Par ailleurs, la recension des écrits portant sur la régionalisation de l’immigration a fait ressortir l’absence d’études au sujet de certaines régions du Québec. De là le double intérêt du présent mémoire, qui propose d’une part d’enrichir le corpus de connaissances en étudiant les contextes de Drummondville et de Gatineau, et d’autre part d’examiner la question de la régionalisation de l’immigration au Québec d’une perspective relationnelle entre immigrants et natifs. Pour ce faire, il a été question d’examiner les discours des immigrants et des non-immigrants de Drummondville et de Gatineau sur l’intégration des nouveaux arrivants en région dans le but d’identifier s’il existe une homogénéité des propos au sein de chacun des deux groupes, afin de comprendre les dynamiques des dichotomisations nous/eux dans le contexte des relations interethniques en région au Québec et d’en questionner la pertinence. L’élaboration du cadre conceptuel a ainsi permis de définir sociologiquement les notions des représentations sociales, de l’identité culturelle, des relations interethniques et intraethniques et de l’intégration, et un travail de terrain de plusieurs mois a permis la cueillette du matériau d’analyse. Des entretiens semi-dirigés ont été menés auprès de vingt-quatre sujets, répartis également entre immigrants et natifs du Canada. Enfin, l’analyse qualitative a été structurée selon cinq thèmes : pratiques résidentielles; fréquentations et affinités; emploi et engagement communautaire; gestion de la diversité; politique et identité. L’hypothèse de départ voulant que les interactions fréquentes avec l’exogroupe génèrent des représentations sociales positives à leur égard s’est avérée invérifiable dans la mesure où les sujets qui ont accepté d’être interviewés entretenaient pour la plupart déjà des interactions fréquentes avec l’exogroupe. Et ces interactions s’avéraient de nature positive. D’autre part, le postulat concernant la présence d’une crainte généralisée chez les natifs du Québec face aux immigrants et le conservatisme associé aux secteurs situés hors de la métropole montréalaise s’est avéré faux. Il ressort que ces deux milieux possèdent des institutions et des individus activement engagés dans ce projet, et que la peur ou le rejet des immigrants, malgré le fait que ma recherche ait été menée dans une période de haute tension (accommodements raisonnables, affaire d’Hérouxville, etc.), était extrêmement minoritaire. Par ailleurs, les participants non-immigrants habitant Drummondville ont paru aussi ouverts d’esprit que ceux habitant Gatineau, en dépit de la proximité de la seconde d’Ottawa, une grande ville multiculturelle et réceptrice de l’immigration depuis plus longtemps.