Government decisions before and during the First World War and the living standards in Germany during a drastic natural experiment

The First World War hit Germany severely, particularly the agricultural sector, because the outbreak came unexpected and its duration exceeded all expectations. Many resources necessary for agricultural production were required by the war economy and led to shortages and shrinking supplies. Many agricultural laborers were drafted and the blockade imposed by the allies prevented Germany from a great deal of imports. As a consequence, the nutritional situation was devastating, particularly after 1916, and hit all groups of the German society. The period under observation provides one of most drastic natural experiments in the 20th century. This study uses anthropometric data from German soldiers who served in the Second World War to trace living standards between the 1900s and the 1920s. In contrast to other approaches, this paper is able to distinguish between social groups by occupation, religious denominatio\n, regional origin, and city size. The results suggest that although all social strata were hit by famine conditions, the height of farmers, urban citizens, Catholics, and especially individuals born in the highly integrated food-import regions along the coast and the banks of the Rhine declined most.

Predictors of Strength of In-Group Identity in Northern Ireland: Impact of Past Sectarian Conflict, Relative Deprivation and Church Attendance

Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well-being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in-group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post-accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in-group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in-group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared with Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context. 

A European Culture War in the Twentieth Century? Antic-Catholicism and Anti-Bolshevism between Moscow, Berlin, and the Vatican 1922 to 1933

The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.

Intermarriage in a Divided Society: Ireland a Century Ago

This paper explores the characteristics associated with marriages between Roman Catholics and members of other religious denominations in Ireland before the Great War. Using the entire digitized returns of the 1911 population census, we find that such marriages were relatively rare, occurring in less than one percent of total marriages. Some of this infrequency can be attributed to ethno-religious hostility-especially in the north of the country. However, we also show that the rarity of intermarriage reflects local marriage markets, as non-Roman Catholics living in communities with fewer coreligionists were more likely to intermarry. We examine the individual characteristics of partners in these marriages, looking at the religious denomination of their children, their decision to marry out, and their fertility behavior. Our findings illustrate how the frequency of intermarriage reflects historical levels of intolerance, but only after local marriage market conditions have been accounted for.

Religion, anti-slavery, and identity: Irish Presbyterians, the United States, and transatlantic evangelicalism, c. 1820-1914

Scholars have devoted much attention to the causes and consequences of Presbyterian emigration from Ulster to the thirteen colonies before 1776. This article moves beyond the eighteenth century to examine the continued religious links between Presbyterians in Ireland and the United States in the nineteenth century. It begins with an examination of the influence of evangelicalism on both sides of the Atlantic and how this promoted unity in denominational identity, missionary activity to convert Catholics, and revivalist religion during the first half of the century. Though Irish Presbyterians had great affection for their American co-religionists, they were not uncritical, and significant tensions did develop over slavery. The article then examines the religious character of Scotch-Irish or Ulster-Scots identity in the late nineteenth century, which was articulated in response to the alleged demoralising influence of large-scale Irish immigration during and after the Famine of the 1840s, the so-called Romanisation of Catholicism, and the threat of Home Rule in Ireland. The importance of identity politics should not obscure religious developments, and the article ends with a consideration of the origins and character of fundamentalism, perhaps one of the most important cultural connections between Protestants in Northern Ireland and the United States in the twentieth century.

Traditions and transitions: teenagers’ perceptions of parading in Belfast

The purpose of this article is to explore and illuminate teenagers' experiences of, and attitudes to, parades in Belfast. The research draws on responses from 125 teenagers located in interface areas (areas where Catholics and Protestants live side by side but apart) to government supported attempts to rebrand Orangefest (traditional parade associated with Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist community) and St Patrick's Day (traditional parade associated with Catholic/Nationalist/Republican community) as all-inclusive community events. For the most part, young people access these parades in pre-existing, single identity peer groups and view these parades as either inclusive or exclusive calling into question the extent to which Belfast's city centre can be viewed as shared space.

‘Plugging the Gap’: Shared Education and the promotion of community relations through schools in Northern Ireland

Although there is no consensus amongst educationalists as to the role schools play as drivers of hostilities in divided societies, there is broad agreement that they can facilitate more positive intergroup relations. In Northern Ireland the promotion of school based inter-group contact has been offered as a means through which this can happen. Until 2007, the approach was twofold, reflected on the one hand in short-term contact opportunities for pupils in predominantly Catholic and Protestant schools, and on the other, in support for integrated schools which educate Catholics and Protestants together. In 2007 the Shared Education Programme was introduced to ‘bridge the gap’ between short-term opportunities for contact, and ‘full immersion’ integrated schools. Informed by contact theory, shared education offers curriculum based interaction between pupils attending all school types, aimed at promoting the type of contact likely to reduce negative social attitudes and ultimately contribute to social harmony. In this paper, we examine the impact of shared education thus far. Our analysis suggests that whilst shared education is generally effective in promoting positive assessments of other group members, there is a danger that programme impact may be inhibited by the foregrounding of educational over reconciliation priorities. Appreciating that the downplaying reconciliation objectives may have been necessary when the programme was established in order to maximize recruitment to it, we argue that if the full potential of shared education is to be realized, moving forward, it is important for schools to engage with issues of group differences.

Max Weber and the First World War: Protestant and Catholic living standards in Germany, 1914-1919

We assess informal institutions of Protestants and Catholics by investigating their economic resilience in a natural experiment. The First World War constitutes an exogenous shock to living standards since the duration and intensity of the war exceeded all expectations. We assess the ability of Protestant and Catholic communities to cope with increasing food prices and wartime black markets. Literature based on Weber (1904, 1905) suggests that Protestants must be more resilient than their Catholic peers. Using individual height data on some 2,800 Germans to assess levels of malnutrition during the war, we find that living standards for both Protestants and Catholics declined; however, the decrease of Catholics��� height was disproportionately large. Our empirical analysis finds a large statistically significant difference between Protestants and Catholics for the 1915–19 birth cohort, and we argue that this height gap cannot be attributed to socioeconomic background and fertility alone.

Max Weber and the First World War: Protestant and Catholic living standards in Germany, 1915-1919

We assess informal institutions of Protestants and Catholics by investigating their economic
resilience in a natural experiment. The First World War constitutes an exogenous shock to living standards since the duration and intensity of the war exceeded all expectations. We assess the ability of Protestant and Catholic communities to cope with increasing food prices and wartime black markets. Literature based on Weber (1904, 1905) suggests that Protestants must be more resilient than their Catholic peers. Using individual height data on some 2,800 Germans to assess levels of malnutrition during the war, we find that living standards for both Protestants and Catholics declined; however, the decrease of Catholics��� height was disproportionately large. Our empirical analysis finds a large statistically significant difference between Protestants and Catholics for the 1914-19 birth cohort, and we argue that this height gap cannot be attributed to socioeconomic background and fertility alone.

Measuring the macrosystem in post-accord Northern Ireland: A social-ecological approach

The macrosystem refers to the overarching patterns that influence behavior at each level of the social ecology (Bronfenbrenner, 1977), making it a necessary component for assessing human development in contexts of political violence. This article proposes a method for systematically measuring the macrosystem in Northern Ireland that allows for a subnational analysis, multiple time units, and indicators of both low-level violence and positive relations. Articles were randomly chosen for each weekday in 2006-2011 from two prominent Northern Irish newspapers and coded according to their reflection of positive relations and political tensions between Catholics and Protestants. The newspaper data were then compared to existing macro-level measurements in Northern Ireland. We found that the newspaper data provided a more nuanced understanding of fluctuations in intergroup relations than the corresponding measures. This has practical implications for peacebuilding and advances our methods for assessing the impact of macro-level processes on individual development.

Contract between John Cronyn and Nelson Forsyth, December 16, 1854.

John Cronyn (1827-1898) emigrated to Canada from Ireland in 1837. He studied medicine at the University of Toronto, but was not granted his degree upon completion of the requirements. He refused to take the test oaths meant to exclude Catholics from the profession and was not granted his degree until several years later, when the discriminatory laws were rescinded. In 1850, he married Elizabeth Willoughby of Toronto. They settled in Fort Erie and he established a successful medical practice there. He was active in the community, serving as Superintendent of schools and one term as Reeve. In 1859 he relocated to Buffalo and continued to practice medicine there. Cronyn was instrumental in the establishment of a medical department at Niagara University, where he was a professor and president of faculty. Nelson Forsyth was the son of William Forsyth (1771-1841), a prominent businessman in Niagara who owned and operated the Pavilion Hotel (later known as Forsyth’s Inn). Nelson was also a businessman and lived in Fort Erie with his wife Archange Warren.

Les relations entre catholiques et hindous chez les Tamouls sri lankais à Montréal et la notion de syncrétisme : l’exemple des pèlerinages et de la dévotion mariale

Dans cette étude, l’auteure décrit les relations entre des catholiques et des hindous chez les Tamouls originaires du Sri Lanka qui ont immigré à Montréal. Ce faisant, elle accentuera son étude sur les perspectives des catholiques tamouls, et ce particulièrement au cours de pèlerinages et à travers la dévotion mariale. Les relations entre catholiques et hindous sont ainsi codifiées par des normes sociales et culturelles. De plus, l’auteure démontre que la migration, de même que la société d’accueil, influence les interactions entre ces deux groupes. Dans ce contexte, la notion de syncrétisme devient un concept secondaire qui est principalement étudié en lien avec les normes sociales tamoules. Finalement, l’auteure démontre, à travers les pèlerinages et la dévotion mariale, que les catholiques entretiennent des rapports contradictoires avec les hindous.

Recours à l’avortement provoqué à Lomé (Togo) : évolution, facteurs associés et perceptions

Le sujet de l’avortement provoqué demeure encore tabou au Togo et la compréhension du phénomène reste incomplète. La présente étude vise à dresser un portrait complet de ses divers aspects dans la capitale togolaise, qui a connu une baisse importante de la fécondité au cours des dernières années. À partir des données des Enquêtes démographiques et de santé (EDS) de 1988 et 1998, et de celles de l’Enquête sur la planification familiale et l’avortement provoqué (EPAP) de 2002, l’étude montre que le recours à l’avortement est à la hausse à Lomé, bien que l’estimation de son ampleur dépende de la méthode utilisée. Plus de 32 % des femmes ayant déjà été enceintes ont déclaré avoir avorté au moins une fois. Toutefois, l’avortement est plus fréquent chez les jeunes, qui y ont recours de manière plus précoce et plus rapprochée que leurs aînées. En contribuant ainsi à la régulation des naissances, l’avortement réduit la fécondité de 10 à 12 %. En utilisant les données de l’EPAP, réalisée auprès de 4755 femmes âgées de 15-49 ans, nous avons aussi étudié le recours à l’avortement comme une séquence d’étapes débutant par l’exposition au risque de grossesse jusqu’au recours à l’avortement, en passant par une absence de pratique contraceptive et le fait qu’une grossesse qui survient soit déclarée « non désirée ». L’ethnie et la génération sont associées à certaines étapes de la séquence alors que la religion, la parité, le statut matrimonial et le niveau d’instruction sont associés aux quatre étapes. Ainsi, le risque élevé d’avorter chez les femmes instruites découle en fait de leur risque élevé à toutes les étapes. En étant moins à risque de grossesse, les femmes qui ont au moins deux enfants sont plus susceptibles que les nullipares, d’utiliser une contraception moderne, de déclarer une grossesse comme non désirée et d’avorter. Si plusieurs grossesses non désirées surviennent aux âges jeunes, c’est surtout le caractère « hors union » de la grossesse qui fait qu’elle est considérée comme « non désirée » et interrompue. En outre, les femmes qui ont déjà avorté ou utilisé une contraception sont plus enclines à recourir à un avortement. Les résultats montrent également que le partenaire soutient souvent la femme dans la décision d’avorter et s’acquitte des coûts dans la majorité des cas. Malgré le fait qu’ils soient illégaux, plus de 40 % des avortements sont pratiqués à Lomé dans des centres de santé, par un membre du personnel médical, et à l’aide du curetage ou de l’aspiration. Mais, la moitié de ces avortements (22 %) avait été tentée au préalable par des méthodes non médicales. Plusieurs avortements ont aussi lieu soit à domicile (36 %), soit chez des tradi-thérapeutes (24 %), grâce à des méthodes non médicales. Par ailleurs, près de 60 % des avortements ont entraîné des complications sanitaires, conduisant la majorité des femmes à une hospitalisation. Sur le plan psychologique et relationnel, nous avons montré que la plupart des avortements ont entraîné des regrets et remords, de même que des problèmes entre les femmes et leurs parents. Les parents soutiennent en fait peu les femmes dans la décision d’avorter et interviennent rarement dans le paiement des coûts. L’étude a enfin révélé que la loi sur l’avortement est peu connue. Cependant, être âgée de 25 ans ou plus, en union ou très instruite, connaître des méthodes contraceptives, le recours d’une parente ou amie à l’avortement sont associés, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, à une plus grande chance de connaître la loi. L’analyse, en appuyant des déclarations des professionnels de la santé et des femmes, montre que malgré sa forte prévalence à Lomé, le recours à l’avortement demeure largement stigmatisé. Les quelques professionnels et femmes qui se sont prononcés en faveur de sa légalisation pensent que celle-ci permettrait de « réduire les avortements clandestins et risqués ». En fait, ce sont les femmes les plus instruites, âgées de 25 ans ou plus, utilisant la contraception, ayant déjà avorté ou connaissant quelqu’un l’ayant fait, qui sont plus aptes à approuver la légalisation de l’avortement. Celles qui appartiennent aux églises de type « pentecôtiste », plus sévères quant aux relations sexuelles hors mariage, sont par contre moins susceptibles que les catholiques d’avoir une telle attitude positive.

Religion et homicide : étude du taux d’homicide des pays du monde en fonction des variables mesurant la religion et la pratique religieuse

L’impact de la religion sur la violence demeure à ce jour ambivalent dans la littérature. D’un côté, les religions et leurs préceptes de paix sont identifiés comme des facteurs de dissuasion dans la commission d’actes violents. D’un autre côté, l’identité religieuse est historiquement décriée comme une source majeure de guerres. Cette étude propose de comparer dans 163 pays du monde l’influence sur le taux d’homicide de quatre aspects religieux : la religion principale, l’hétérogénéité religieuse, la liberté religieuse et la religiosité. Les taux d’homicide sont fournis par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé alors que les variables religieuses proviennent de sources variées. Les analyses de régressions linéaires tiennent également compte de quelques facteurs socio-économiques. Certains sont considérés dans la littérature comme des facteurs majeurs influant sur l’homicide et d’autres sont plutôt soupçonnés d’interaction sur la relation ici étudiée. Les résultats indiquent qu’il y a modérément plus d’homicides dans les pays qui présentent une forte hétérogénéité religieuse ou une faible religiosité dans la population. Par ailleurs, les pays musulmans, notamment chiites, présentent les taux d’homicide les plus bas, surpassant les pays bouddhistes et hindouistes, alors que les pays chrétiens, notamment catholiques, présentent des taux d’homicide très élevés. Ce constat s’oppose à la théorie libérale chrétienne qui démonise les États religieux musulmans. Néanmoins, l’interprétation des conclusions de cette étude invite à la prudence étant donné son aspect délicat et exploratoire.