166 resultados para Cacao.


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This research is a study about knowledge interface that aims to analyse knowledge discontinuities, the dynamic and emergent characters of struggles and interactions within gender system and ethnicity differences. The cacao boom phenomenon in Central Sulawesi is the main context for a changing of social relations of production, especially when the mode of production has shifted or is still underway from subsistence to petty commodity production. This agrarian change is not only about a change of relationship and practice, but, as my previous research has shown, also about the shift of knowledge domination, because knowledge construes social practice in a dialectical process. Agroecological knowledge is accumulated through interaction, practice and experience. At the same time the knowledge gained from new practices and experiences changes mode of interaction, so such processes provide the arena where an interface of knowledge is manifested. In the process of agro-ecological knowledge interface, gender and ethnic group interactions materialise in the decision-making of production and resource allocation at the household and community level. At this point, power/knowledge is interplayed to gain authority in decision-making. When authority dominates, power encounters resistance, whereas the dominant power and its resistance are aimed to ensure socio-economic security. Eventually, the process of struggle can be identified through the pattern of resource utilisation as a realisation of production decision-making. Such processes are varied from one community to another, and therefore, it shows uniqueness and commonalities, especially when it is placed in a context of shifting mode of production. The focus is placed on actors: men and women in their institutional and cultural setting, including the role of development agents. The inquiry is informed by 4 major questions: 1) How do women and men acquire, disseminate, and utilise their agro ecological knowledge, specifically in rice farming as a subsistence commodity, as well as in cacao farming as a petty commodity? How and why do such mechanisms construct different knowledge domains between two genders? How does the knowledge mechanism apply in different ethnics? What are the implications for gender and ethnicity based relation of production? ; 2) Using the concept of valued knowledge in a shifting mode of production context: is there any knowledge that dominates others? How does the process of domination occur and why? Is there any form of struggle, strategies, negotiation, and compromise over this domination? How do these processes take place at a household as well as community level? How does it relate to production decision-making? ; 3) Putting the previous questions in two communities with a different point of arrival on a path of agricultural commercialisation, how do the processes of struggle vary? What are the bases of the commonalities and peculiarities in both communities?; 4) How the decisions of production affect rice field - cacao plantation - forest utilisation in the two villages? How does that triangle of resource use reflect the constellation of local knowledge in those two communities? What is the implication of this knowledge constellation for the cacao-rice-forest agroecosystem in the forest margin area? Employing a qualitative approach as the main method of inquiry, indepth and dialogic interviews, participant observer role, and document review are used to gather information. A small survey and children’s writing competition are supplementary to this data collection method. The later two methods are aimed to give wider information on household decision making and perception toward the forest. It was found that local knowledge, particularly knowledge pertaining to rice-forest-cacao agroecology is divided according to gender and ethnicity. This constellation places a process of decision-making as ‘the arena of interface’ between feminine and masculine knowledge, as well as between dominant and less dominant ethnic groups. Transition from subsistence to a commercial mode of production is a context that frames a process where knowledge about cacao commodity is valued higher than rice. Market mechanism, as an external power, defines valued knowledge. Valued knowledge defines the dominant knowledge holder, and decision. Therefore, cacao cultivation becomes a dominant practice. Its existence sacrifices the presence of rice field and the forest. Knowledge about rice production and forest ecosystem exist, but is less valued. So it is unable to challenge the domination of cacao. Various forms of struggles - within gender an ethnicity context - to resist cacao domination are an expression of unequal knowledge possession. Knowledge inequality implies to unequal access to withdraw benefit from market valued crop. When unequal knowledge fails to construct a negotiated field or struggles fail to reveal ‘marginal’ decision, e.g. intensification instead of cacao expansion to the forest, interface only produces divergence. Gender and ethnicity divided knowledge is unabridged, since negotiation is unable to produce new knowledge that accommodates both interests. Rice is loaded by ecological interest to conserve the forest, while cacao is driven by economic interest to increase welfare status. The implication of this unmediated dominant knowledge of cacao production is the construction of access; access to the forest, mainly to withdraw its economic benefit by eliminating its ecological benefit. Then, access to cacao as the social relationship of production to acquire cacao knowledge; lastly, access to defend sustainable benefit from cacao by expansion. ‘Socio-economic Security’ is defined by Access. The convergence of rice and cacao knowledge, however, should be made possible across gender and ethnicity, not only for the sake of forest conservation as the insurance of ecological security, but also for community’s socio-economic security. The convergence might be found in a range of alternative ways to conduct cacao sustainable production, from agroforestry system to intensification.

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Anorí es un pueblo pujante de Antioquia que sustituye su forma de vida; intenta pasar de lo ilegal a lo legal, de la violencia a la paz y de la coca al cacao. Sustituir para la construcción de conciencias es la esencia del programa de la Gobernación de Antioquia y de la Oficina de Naciones Unidas contra la Droga y el Delito. Este proyecto empezó en el 2006 e involucró a 100 familias y, aunque la idea era sumar experiencias, sucedió lo contrario. Hoy, solo 56 grupos son beneficiarios de la iniciativa. Sin embargo, ya está a la venta la chocolatina Anorí, producto de los nuevos cultivos de cacao, capaces de devolverle la sonrisa a la población de este municipio, que tantas veces ha sido censurada por el miedo.

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El documento “Diagnósticos de las apuestas productivas para seis productos del sector agrícola en Colombia”, pretende proporcionar herramientas para el incremento productivo de seis productos agrícolas con un alto potencial en el país, mediante la identificación de mercados internacionales factibles, el análisis de sus procesos de producción y la comparación de eficiencia en costos del transporte de mercancía a nivel nacional; buscando el aumento de la participación del PIB agrícola en el PIB nacional. Los productos seleccionados son el Aguacate, el Ají, el Algodón, la Uchuva, la Pitahaya y el Tomate de árbol.

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Dado que el dinamismo del comercio internacional requiere imprescindiblemente de herramientas informativas, permanente flujo de información, estudios constantes, precisos y actualizados; se plantea el presente estudio con el objetivo de posibilitar un acercamiento a estas herramientas con las cuales los empresarios de Pymes colombianas puedan enfocar su actividad económica de manera efectiva, de tal forma que destinen sus exportaciones a los mercados más atractivos por medio de los productos indicados. Este es un análisis útil que podría convertirse en herramienta fundamental para que los empresarios y emprendedores nacionales cuenten con la investigación detallada de los mercados de Estonia, Finlandia, Francia, Grecia y Hungría bajo el marco del TLC Colombia-Unión Europea. Este estudio se realiza a su vez con la finalidad de conservar, fortalecer y expandir el posicionamiento de los productos nacionales en el mercado internacional.

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Este artículo examina las políticas y debates acerca de la prostitución en la capital del Ecuador, Quito, entre el final del auge exportador del cacao del Ecuador después de la Primera Guerra Mundial y el comienzo del auge del banano a finales de la década de 1940. Un examen de la prostitución nos permite explorar no solamente la experiencia de las mujeres urbanas con la crisis económica durante esos años, sino también algunas de las especificidades de la formación del Estado ecuatoriano. El título del artículo juega con el título del libro de Donna Guy, Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires (Sexo y Peligro en Buenos Aires), y alude al hecho de que, en Ecuador, la prostitución promovió un cuestionamiento acerca de cómo se definía el comportamiento responsable para mujeres, hombres y el Estado.

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Este artículo analiza el emplazamiento urbano, las dinámicas económicas y las relaciones sociales que caracterizaron a Guayaquil durante el XVIII. El desarrollo económico y productivo que experimentó la ciudad-puerto se debió a su feraz entorno natural y a las posibilidades de comunicación que brindó el sistema fluvial del Guayas. Se analizan las particularidades de su estructura social, las relaciones entre la élite y los sectores subalternos, la estructura político-administrativa del Cabildo y la influencia que este centro urbano ejerció sobre los pueblos y partidos ubicados en su hinterland.

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El ensayo analiza el surgimiento de la ciudad de Manta como estación de enlace entre la región de Manabí y el mercado mundial en el siglo XIX. Esta región económica estuvo integrada por un sistema de pequeñas localidades, cada una de las cuales cumplía una función determinada. El puerto de Manta experimentó un sorprendente despegue debido al auge manufacturero de los sombreros de paja toquilla y, más tarde, al auge agroexportador de la tagua y el cacao. Estudia, además, el proceso de recolonización por parte de grupos blanco-mestizos y la segmentación del espacio entre los nuev s inmigrantes y los descendientes de los antiguos indios.

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Seguir las huellas de la oralidad en algunos cuentos de la narrativa ecuatoriana de los treinta es, sin duda, una tarea compleja, porque no se trata de textos que se inscriben dentro de lo que Walter J. Ong llama oralidad primaria, es decir, “a la oralidad de una cultura que carece de todo conocimiento de la escritura o de la impresión”,1 sino de la literatura (letra) hecha, precisamente, por letrados, por escritores y constituida por textos fijados, hasta cierto punto, por la escritura, es decir, de la oralidad secundaria, de aquella que depende de la impresión y en general de la tecnología. Por lo tanto es necesario considerar, para este estudio, tanto la oralidad como la escritura –oralidad primaria y oralidad secundaria– como dos niveles dialógicos de análisis e interpretación, no excluyentes sino complementarios. Por esta razón sería más apropiado hablar de los efectos de la oralidad en textos escritos, que modelizan un tipo de cultura, en este caso, la del montubio de las primeras décadas del siglo XX – la de la época del cacao. Entonces, la pregunta básica a la que vamos a tratar de responder es: ¿cómo se representa dicha cultura oral en los textos seleccionados? (“El cholo del cuerito e venao” y “El cholo que se castró”, de Demetrio Aguilera Malta; “El Guaraguao” y “La salvaje”, de Joaquín Gallegos Lara; “Mardecido llanto” y “El malo”, de Enrique Gil Gilbert; y “Banda de pueblo”, de José de la Cuadra.)

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The current version of this database on CD-ROM contains information on 14 127 cocoa (Theobroma cacao) clones and their 14 112 synonyms, the origin and history of the clones and the clone names, and accession lists for 48 of the major cocoa gene banks including quarantine stations. Also included are morphological data for leaves, fruits and seeds, disease reactions, quality and agronomic characters, and reference information on common abbreviations and acronyms, cocoa gene bank addresses and a full bibliography (with hyperlinked reference to data). New additions are 748 photographs and drawings of 428 individual clones in 11 different locations. Also included are 376 profiles for 15 simple sequence repeat primer pairs on 331 clones held in the University of Reading Intermediate Cocoa Quarantine Facility. Minimum system requirements are Windows 95 or later, a Pentium 166 with 32 MB RAM, CD-ROM drive and a minimum 20 MB hard disk space. A user guide is included in the package.

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Data from three cocoa (Theobroma cacao) clonal selection trials are used to investigate the genetic and environmental components of variation in yield and the percentage of total pods affected by black pod disease (Phytophtora pod rot). Simulations based on these estimated components of variation are then used to discuss the best choice in future of numbers of clones, replicates and years of harvest to maximise selection advances in the traits measured. The three main conclusions are the need to increase the number of clones at the expense of the number of replicates of each clone, the diminishing returns from additional years of harvesting and the importance of widening the genetic base of the clones chosen to be tested.

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We present a palaeoecological investigation of pre-Columbian land use in the savannah “forest island” landscape of north-east Bolivian Amazonia. A 5700 year sediment core from La Luna Lake, located adjacent to the La Luna forest island site, was analysed for fossil pollen and charcoal. We aimed to determine the palaeoenvironmental context of pre-Columbian occupation on the site and assess the environmental impact of land use in the forest island region. Evidence for anthropogenic burning and Zea mays L. cultivation began ~2000 cal a BP, at a time when the island was covered by savannah, under drier-than-present climatic conditions. After ~1240 cal a BP burning declined and afforestation occurred. We show that construction of the ring ditch, which encircles the island, did not involve substantial deforestation. Previous estimates of pre-Columbian population size in this region, based upon labour required for forest clearance, should therefore be reconsidered. Despite the high density of economically useful plants, such as Theobroma cacao, in the modern forest, no direct pollen evidence for agroforestry was found. However, human occupation is shown to pre-date and span forest expansion on this site, suggesting that here, and in the wider forest island region, there is no truly pre-anthropogenic ‘pristine’ forest.

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Recent developments have highlighted the importance of forest amount at large spatial scales and of matrix quality for ecological processes in remnants. These developments, in turn, suggest the potential for reducing biodiversity loss through the maintenance of a high percentage of forest combined with sensitive management of anthropogenic areas. We conducted a multi-taxa survey to evaluate the potential for biodiversity maintenance in an Atlantic forest landscape that presented a favorable context from a theoretical perspective (high proportion of mature forest partly surrounded by structurally complex matrices). We sampled ferns, butterflies, frogs, lizards, bats, small mammals and birds in interiors and edges of large and small mature forest remnants and two matrices (second-growth forests and shade cacao plantations), as well as trees in interiors of small and large remnants. By considering richness, abundance and composition of forest specialists and generalists, we investigated the biodiversity value of matrix habitats (comparing them with interiors of large remnants for all groups except tree), and evaluated area (for all groups) and edge effects (for all groups except trees) in mature forest remnants. our results suggest that in landscapes comprising high amounts of mature forest and low contrasting matrices: (1) shade cacao plantations and second-growth forests harbor an appreciable number of forest specialists; (2) most forest specialist assemblages are not affected by area or edge effects, while most generalist assemblages proliferate at edges of small remnants. Nevertheless, differences in tree assemblages, especially among smaller trees, Suggest that observed patterns are unlikely to be stable over time. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.