Essays on the history of Brazilian dipterology: II. notices about Brazilian Diptera (17th century)

Essays on the history of Brazilian dipterology. II. Notices about Brazilian Diptera (17th century). Notices from the Brazilian Diptera from the 17th century come mainly from two foreign invasions occurred in Brazil, the first one by the French in Maranhão and the second by the Dutch in northeastern Brazil. This paper includes reports of Fathers Claude d'Abbeville and Yves d'Evreux and from Piso and Marcgrave, the last two presenting the first illustrations of Brazilian Diptera. The paper also includes reports of Friar Laureano de la Cruz, Father João de Sotto Mayor and Maurício de Heriarte.

Essays on the history of brazilian dipterology: III. Three remarkable notices from the 18th century, mainly related to myiasis-producing flies (Cochliomyia and Dermatobia)

This paper registers reports about dipterans made by three Portuguese who lived in Brazil during the 18th century. Luiz Gomes Ferreira, in his book "Erário mineral" ["Mineral revenue"], wrote curious passages related with myiasis-causing flies of the genus Cochliomyia. José Rodrigues de Mello registered, in Latin verses, the folklore for curing myiases caused by Cochliomyia hominivorax in cattle. Luiz dos Santos Vilhena, in the last of his twenty letters dealing with several aspects of life in Brazil, made reference to horseflies, human bot flies and mosquitos.

The Ingrian Question as a Historical and Political Phenomenon

The project dealt with the political history of the Finnish-speaking minorities of the Russian northwest, mainly in the 20th century. The first part looks at the development of the national movement of the Ingrian Finns and other related ethnic groups (Izhoras, Votes) from the turn of the century to 1920, when Estonia and Finland signed peace treaties with Soviet Russia and the national rights of the Finnish minority in Russia were to some extent guaranteed. In the second section, on the history of the Ingrians during Soviet and post-Soviet times, areas covered include Ingrian national-cultural autonomy in the 1920s, the activities of Ingrian "ingri" organizations in Finland during the inter-war period, social and national repression and the end of autonomy in the 1930s, the dispersal of the Ingrians during the second world war, their first attempts to return home in the immediate post-war period, trends in the development of the social and cultural life of Ingrians during the last 40 years, and the prospects for their existence as an ethnic unity in the future. The research is based on documentary sources from 15 Russian archives, many of which have not previously been used.

Governor Forrest Anderson’s Leadership & Political Acumen -- Alec Hansen “In the Crucible of Change”

Montana Governor Forrest Anderson was perhaps the most experienced and qualified person ever to be elected as Governor of Montana. Having previously served as a county attorney, a member of the legislature, a Supreme Court Justice, and twelve years as Attorney General, Anderson roared to a large victory in 1968 over the Incumbent GOP Governor Tim Babcock. Though the progressive change period in Montana began a few years earlier, Anderson’s 1968 win catapulted progressive policy-making into the mainstream of Montana political and governmental affairs. He used his unique skills and leadership to craftily architect the reorganization of the executive branch which had been kept weak since statehood so that the peoples’ government would not be able to challenge corporations who so dominated Montana. Anderson, whose “Pay More, What For?” campaign slogan strongly separated him from Tim Babcock and the GOP on the sales tax issue, not only beat back the regressive sales tax in the 1968 election, but oversaw its demise at the polls in 1971, shaping politics in Montana for decades to come. Anderson also was a strong proponent of the concept of a new Montana Constitution and contributed strategically to its calling and passage. Anderson served only one term as Governor for health reasons, but made those four years a launch pad for progressive politics and government in Montana. In this film, Alec Hansen, Special Assistant to Governor Anderson, provides an insider’s perspective as he reflects on the unique way in which Governor Anderson got things done at this critical period “In the Crucible of Change.” Alec Hansen is best known in Montana political and governmental circles as the long-time chief of the Montana League of Cities and Towns, but he cut his teeth in public service with Governor Forrest Anderson. Alec was born in Butte in 1941, attended local schools graduating from Butte High in 1959. After several years working as a miner and warehouseman for the Anaconda Company in Butte, he attended UM and graduated in History and Political Science in 1966. He joined the U.S. Navy and served with amphibious forces in Vietnam. After discharge from the Navy in 1968, he worked as a news and sports reporter for The Montana Standard in Butte until in September of 1969 he joined Governor Anderson as a Special Assistant focused on press, communications and speech-writing. Alec has noted that drafts were turned into pure Forrest Anderson remarks by the man himself. He learned at the knee of “The Fox” for the rest of Anderson’s term and continued with Governor Tom Judge for two years before returning to Butte to work for the Anaconda Company as the Director of Communications for Montana operations. In 1978, after Anaconda was acquired by the Atlantic Richfield Company, Alec went to work in February for U.S. Senator Paul Hatfield in Washington D.C., leaving after Hatfield’s primary election loss in June 1978. He went back to work for Gov. Judge, remaining until the end of 1980. In 1981 Alec worked as a contract lobbyist and news and sports reporter for the Associated Press in Helena. In 1982, the Montana League of Cities and Towns hired him as Executive Director, a position he held until retirement in 2014. Alec and his wife Colleen, are the parents of two grown children, with one grandson.

A Reportagem na tv: Caco Barcellos: um repórter e a injustiça social

Destacar a importância da reportagem investigativa, e mostrar o valor que deve ser observado no empenho da atuação profissional ética de um repórter de televisão, capaz de mudar o rumo da história política recente do Brasil, é o que se propõe o presente trabalho. A prática do jornalismo autêntico demonstra ser transformadora. É o que acontece com a atuação do repórter Caco Barcellos. Ele se propôs a perseguir uma história por mais de um ano e, ao final, mostrar uma verdade escondida durante 30 anos pelo poder público. Com tal reportagem, possibilitou a reparação de uma injustiça social cometida contra uma jovem estudante brasileira. A força da reportagem apresentada num telejornal é incontestável, em razão do potencial que representa a televisão na penetração em todas as camadas da sociedade como veículo de informação. Sendo a reportagem apresentada em série de três dias consecutivos pelo Jornal Nacional, eleva seu peso significativamente, devido à liderança de audiência do telejornal da Rede Globo. O investimento da emissora numa reportagem como a apresentada neste trabalho depende fundamentalmente da presença de um repórter profundamente identificado com a luta contra a injustiça social. E é este o perfil de Caco Barcellos. Ele cresceu na periferia pobre de uma metrópole, e desde muito cedo se revoltou contra a ação policial que discrimina o cidadão comum e privilegia os poderosos. Conseguiu transformar a raiva acumulada em ações efetivas através da reportagem investigativa reveladora da injustiça social cometida diariamente. Quando o espaço era pequeno para o tamanho do que tinha para reportar, Caco lançou livros, ganhou prêmios e enfrentou processos judiciais, movidos por policiais interessados em destruir a vida profissional do repórter que ousou trabalhar sério e encontrar os documentos que provavam os desmandos praticados contra inocentes, friamente assassinados. O resultado é uma atuação exemplar, com um método de trabalho digno de ser seguido, refletindo-se na série de reportagens que desmontou uma farsa montada pelo exército, e que pode ser considerada como uma verdadeira aula de jornalismo.

A Reportagem na tv: Caco Barcellos: um repórter e a injustiça social

Destacar a importância da reportagem investigativa, e mostrar o valor que deve ser observado no empenho da atuação profissional ética de um repórter de televisão, capaz de mudar o rumo da história política recente do Brasil, é o que se propõe o presente trabalho. A prática do jornalismo autêntico demonstra ser transformadora. É o que acontece com a atuação do repórter Caco Barcellos. Ele se propôs a perseguir uma história por mais de um ano e, ao final, mostrar uma verdade escondida durante 30 anos pelo poder público. Com tal reportagem, possibilitou a reparação de uma injustiça social cometida contra uma jovem estudante brasileira. A força da reportagem apresentada num telejornal é incontestável, em razão do potencial que representa a televisão na penetração em todas as camadas da sociedade como veículo de informação. Sendo a reportagem apresentada em série de três dias consecutivos pelo Jornal Nacional, eleva seu peso significativamente, devido à liderança de audiência do telejornal da Rede Globo. O investimento da emissora numa reportagem como a apresentada neste trabalho depende fundamentalmente da presença de um repórter profundamente identificado com a luta contra a injustiça social. E é este o perfil de Caco Barcellos. Ele cresceu na periferia pobre de uma metrópole, e desde muito cedo se revoltou contra a ação policial que discrimina o cidadão comum e privilegia os poderosos. Conseguiu transformar a raiva acumulada em ações efetivas através da reportagem investigativa reveladora da injustiça social cometida diariamente. Quando o espaço era pequeno para o tamanho do que tinha para reportar, Caco lançou livros, ganhou prêmios e enfrentou processos judiciais, movidos por policiais interessados em destruir a vida profissional do repórter que ousou trabalhar sério e encontrar os documentos que provavam os desmandos praticados contra inocentes, friamente assassinados. O resultado é uma atuação exemplar, com um método de trabalho digno de ser seguido, refletindo-se na série de reportagens que desmontou uma farsa montada pelo exército, e que pode ser considerada como uma verdadeira aula de jornalismo.

The modern history of England ...

Lettered on cover, vol. I-II: Reign of Henry the Eighth; vol. III-IV: Reigns of Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth.

The South in the building of the nation; a history of the southern states designed to record the South's part in the making of the American nation; to portray the character and genius, to chronicle the achievements and progress and to illustrate the life and traditions of the southern people ...

Vols. 1-4, 7-12, 1909; v. 5-6, 1910; v. 13, 1913.

The geographical, natural and civil history of Chili.

Appendix has special t.-p.: An appendix to the civil and political history of Chili, consisting of a sketch of the Araucana of Don Alonzo de Ercilla, with copious translations from that poem, by William Hayley, esq. and the Rev. H. Boyd. New York: Published by Alsop, Brannan and Alsop, City-hotel, Broadway, 1808.

A Reportagem na tv: Caco Barcellos: um repórter e a injustiça social

Destacar a importância da reportagem investigativa, e mostrar o valor que deve ser observado no empenho da atuação profissional ética de um repórter de televisão, capaz de mudar o rumo da história política recente do Brasil, é o que se propõe o presente trabalho. A prática do jornalismo autêntico demonstra ser transformadora. É o que acontece com a atuação do repórter Caco Barcellos. Ele se propôs a perseguir uma história por mais de um ano e, ao final, mostrar uma verdade escondida durante 30 anos pelo poder público. Com tal reportagem, possibilitou a reparação de uma injustiça social cometida contra uma jovem estudante brasileira. A força da reportagem apresentada num telejornal é incontestável, em razão do potencial que representa a televisão na penetração em todas as camadas da sociedade como veículo de informação. Sendo a reportagem apresentada em série de três dias consecutivos pelo Jornal Nacional, eleva seu peso significativamente, devido à liderança de audiência do telejornal da Rede Globo. O investimento da emissora numa reportagem como a apresentada neste trabalho depende fundamentalmente da presença de um repórter profundamente identificado com a luta contra a injustiça social. E é este o perfil de Caco Barcellos. Ele cresceu na periferia pobre de uma metrópole, e desde muito cedo se revoltou contra a ação policial que discrimina o cidadão comum e privilegia os poderosos. Conseguiu transformar a raiva acumulada em ações efetivas através da reportagem investigativa reveladora da injustiça social cometida diariamente. Quando o espaço era pequeno para o tamanho do que tinha para reportar, Caco lançou livros, ganhou prêmios e enfrentou processos judiciais, movidos por policiais interessados em destruir a vida profissional do repórter que ousou trabalhar sério e encontrar os documentos que provavam os desmandos praticados contra inocentes, friamente assassinados. O resultado é uma atuação exemplar, com um método de trabalho digno de ser seguido, refletindo-se na série de reportagens que desmontou uma farsa montada pelo exército, e que pode ser considerada como uma verdadeira aula de jornalismo.

Négy jellegzetesség. A magyar fejlődés politikai gazdaságtani megközelítésben. 1. rész = Four characteristic features. Development in Hungary from the aspect of political economy. First Part

A két részből álló cikk a magyarországi reformfolyamat és posztszocialista átalakulás négy olyan jellegzetességét emeli ki, amelyek megszakítás nélkül, a politikai szférában bekövetkezett rendszerváltást követően is, folyamatosan jellemezték az elmúlt harminc év fejlődését: a lakosság anyagi jólétének prioritása, erős paternalista jóléti állam, a reformfolyamat és átmenet fokozatossága és a politikai nyugalom. Az 1995. március 12­én bejelentett stabilizációs program - amennyiben megvalósul - jelenthet elmozdulást ezektől a jellegzetességektől. A cikk politikai gazdaságtani megközelítésben vizsgálja, hogy miért alakult ki ez a négy jellegzetesség, miképpen hatottak azok egymásra, milyen kedvező és kedvezőtlen hatásokat fejtettek ki. Az első rész az 1956­os forradalom hatásából kiindulva politikatörténeti áttekintést ad, majd a mai jólét, biztonság és nyugalom prioritását és a társadalmi adósság felhalmozódását, végül a stabilizációs program gazdasági és politikai hatásait elemzi. / === / The article, consisting of two parts, emphasizes four characteristic features of the Hungarian reform process and the post­socialist transformation, which, uninterruptedly, characterized the development over the last thirty years, even after the systemic change in the political sphere. These were: priority of the material welfare of the population, a strong, paternalistic welfare state, the gradual progress of the reform process and the transition, as well as political calmness. The stabilization programme, announced on March 12,1995, may imply - if it materializes - a shift away from these characteristics. The article investigates, from the aspect of political economy, why the four characteristic features had developed, how they affected each other and what were their advantageous and disadvantageous impacts. Setting out from the impacts of the 1956 revolution, the first part gives an overview of political history and then analyses the priority of today's welfare, security and calm as well as the accumulation of societal debt and, finally, the economic and political impacts of the stabilization programme.

Entre a cruz e a espada, a foice e o martelo: a representação do anticomunismo no Rio Grande do Norte

The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.

"Sub Tiberio quies"? Judaea’s Political Situation under the Prefects (6-41 c.e.), between Reality and Ideology

Deeply conflicting views on the political situation of Judaea under the Roman prefects (6-41 c.e.) have been offered. According to some scholars, this was a period of persistent political unrest and agitation, whilst according to a widespread view it was a quiescent period of political calm (reflected in Tacitus’ phrase sub Tiberio quies). The present article critically examines again the main available sources –particularly Josephus, the canonical Gospels and Tacitus– in order to offer a more reliable historical reconstruction. The conclusions drawn by this survey calls into question some widespread and insufficiently nuanced views on the period. This, in turn, allows a reflection on the non-epistemic factors which might contribute to explain the origin of such views.

A hispanical dimension of the luso-american revolution (1820-1823)

The Independence of Brazil was proclaimed in September 1822 after two years during which constituent deputies elected on both sides of the Atlantic and gathered in Lisbon endeavoured to achieve unification with the former Portuguese metropoli. Due to the failure of these attempts a Constituent Assembly settled in independent Brazil in July 1823. Those two parlamentary experiences - the first to take place in the Portuguese dominions - were strongly influenced by the decisions adopted in Cadiz (1810-1814), and in Madrid (1820-1823), and by the independentist processes developed at the time in Spanish America. This work aims at observing that influence on the decisions adopted in Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro vis-a-vis the autonomical reivindications of several Brazilian provinces.