Editor Gloria Steinem with astronaut Sally Ride and a group from Girls Club of America at a party given for her by Ms. Magazine

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Rosalynn Carter at Political Caucus convention party

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Full of Hot Air? Three Examinations of Climate Change in the American Political Information Environment

Climate change is thought to be one of the most pressing environmental problems facing humanity. However, due in part to failures in political communication and how the issue has been historically defined in American politics, discussions of climate change remain gridlocked and polarized. In this dissertation, I explore how climate change has been historically constructed as a political issue, how conflicts between climate advocates and skeptics have been communicated, and what effects polarization has had on political communication, particularly on the communication of climate change to skeptical audiences. I use a variety of methodological tools to consider these questions, including evolutionary frame analysis, which uses textual data to show how issues are framed and constructed over time; Kullback-Leibler divergence content analysis, which allows for comparison of advocate and skeptical framing over time; and experimental framing methods to test how audiences react to and process different presentations of climate change. I identify six major portrayals of climate change from 1988 to 2012, but find that no single construction of the issue has dominated the public discourse defining the problem. In addition, the construction of climate change may be associated with changes in public political sentiment, such as greater pessimism about climate action when the electorate becomes more conservative. As the issue of climate change has become more polarized in American politics, one proposed causal pathway for the observed polarization is that advocate and skeptic framing of climate change focuses on different facets of the issue and ignores rival arguments, a practice known as “talking past.” However, I find no evidence of increased talking past in 25 years of popular newsmedia reporting on the issue, suggesting both that talking past has not driven public polarization or that polarization is occurring in venues outside of the mainstream public discourse, such as blogs. To examine how polarization affects political communication on climate change, I test the cognitive processing of a variety of messages and sources that promote action against climate change among Republican individuals. Rather than identifying frames that are powerful enough to overcome polarization, I find that Republicans exhibit telltale signs of motivated skepticism on the issue, that is, they reject framing that runs counter to their party line and political identity. This result suggests that polarization constrains political communication on polarized issues, overshadowing traditional message and source effects of framing and increasing the difficulty communicators experience in reaching skeptical audiences.

Jubilee and the Limits of African American Freedom after Emancipation

Scholarship generated in the post-civil rights US underpins a growing consensus that any honest confrontation with the American past requires an acknowledgment both of the nation’s foundations in racially-based slave labour and of the critical role that the enslaved played in ending that system. But scholars equally need to examine why the end of slavery did not deliver freedom, but instead – after a short-lived ‘jubilee’ during which freedpeople savoured their ‘brief moment in the sun’ – opened up a period of extreme repression and violence. This article traces the political trajectory of one prominent ex-slave and Republican party organiser, Elias Hill, to assess the constraints in which black grassroots activists operated. Though mainly concerned with the dashed hopes of African Americans, their experience of a steep reversal is in many ways the shared and profoundly significant legacy of ex-slaves across the former plantation societies of the Atlantic world.

Relationship marketing in Latin American context: Implications for small Finnish software companies in Latin American B2B partnerships

After a productivity decrease of established national export industries in Finland such as mobile and paper industries, innovative, smaller companies with the intentions to internationalize right from the start have been proliferating. For software companies early internationalization is an especially good opportunity, as Internet usage becomes increasingly homogeneous across borders and software products often do not need a physical distribution channel. Globalization also makes Finnish companies turn to unfamiliar export markets like Latin America, a very untraditional market for Finns. Relationships consisting of Finnish and Latin American business partners have therefore not been widely studied, especially from a new-age software company’s perspective. To study these partnerships, relationship marketing theory was taken into the core of the study, as its practice focuses mainly on establishing and maintaining relationships with stakeholders at a profit, so that the objectives of all parties are met, which is done by a mutual exchange and fulfillment of promises. The most important dimensions of relationship marketing were identified as trust, commitment and attraction, which were then focused on, as the study aims to understand the implications Latin American business culture has for the understanding, and hence, effective application of relationship marketing in the Latin American market. The question to be answered consecutively was how should the dimensions of trust, commitment and attraction be understood in business relationships in Latin America? The study was conducted by first joining insights given by Latin American business culture literature with overall theories on the three dimensions. Through pattern matching, these insights were compared to empirical evidence collected from business professionals of the Latin American market and from the experiences of Finnish software businesses that had recently expanded into the market. What was found was that previous literature on Latin American business culture had already named many implications for the relationship marketing dimensions that were relevant also for small Finnish software firms on the market. However, key findings also presented important new drivers for the three constructs. Local presence in the area where the Latin American partner is located was found to drive or enhance trust, commitment and attraction. High-frequency follow up procedures were in turn found to drive commitment and attraction. Both local presence and follow up were defined according to the respective evidence in the study. Also, in the context of Finnish software firms in relationships with Latin American partners, the national origins or the foreignness of the Finnish party was seen to enhance trust and attraction in the relationship

Don’t expect me to vote for you just because I like you, even if you do make me feel warm inside: a comparison of the validity of non-ipsative measures of party support

The inclusion of non-ipsative measures of party preference (in essence ratings for each of the parties of a political system) has become established practice in mass surveys conducted for election studies. They exist in different forms, known as thermometer ratings or feeling scores, likes and dislikes scores, or support propensities. Usually only one of these is included in a single survey, which makes it difficult to assess the relative merits of each. The questionnaire of the Irish National Election Study 2002 (INES2002) contained three different batteries of non-ipsative party preferences. This paper investigates some of the properties of these different indicators. We focus in particular on two phenomena. First, the relationship between non-ipsative preferences and the choices actually made on the ballot. In Ireland this relationship is more revealing than in most other countries owing to the electoral system (STV) which allows voters to cast multiple ordered votes for candidates from different parties. Second, we investigate the latent structure of each of the batteries of party preferences and the relationships between them. We conclude that the three instruments are not interchangeable, that they measure different orientations, and that one –the propensity to vote for a party– is by far preferable if the purpose of the study is the explanation of voters’ actual choice behaviour. This finding has important ramifications for the design of election study questionnaires.

Saint-Domingue Refugees and their Enslaved Property : Abolition Societies and the Enforcement of Gradual Emancipation in Pennsylvania and New York

Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

Saint-Domingue Refugees and their Enslaved Property : Abolition Societies and the Enforcement of Gradual Emancipation in Pennsylvania and New York

Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle des cercles abolitionnistes dans l’application des lois sur l’émancipation graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle, principalement à New York et en Pennsylvanie. Plus particulièrement, il met en lumière la façon dont ces cercles, dont les deux plus importants étaient la Pennsylvania Abolition So-ciety (PAS) et le New­York Manumission Society (NYMS), ont fait face aux centaines de réfugiés de Saint-Domingue qui sont arrivés avec leurs esclaves sur la côte est américaine pour fuir la révolution haïtienne dans les années 1790. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire étudie l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage dans le nord des États-Unis, débutant avec la Pennsylvanie en 1780, et la formation des cercles abolitionnistes dans les anciennes colonies anglaises. Il sera en outre question des stratégies des antiesclavagistes américains afin de promouvoir l’abolition graduelle de l’esclavage et d’empêcher le mouvement des esclaves et des noirs libres en dehors des frontières de leurs États respectifs. Il sera aussi question de leurs efforts pour resserrer davantage les clauses des lois existantes à ce sujet. Dans un second temps, dans le but de mettre en relief la contribution des cercles abolitionnistes, ce mémoire procède à une étude de cas sur la manière dont les réfugiés de Saint-Domingue ont interagi avec l’esclavage résiduel à New York et en Pennsylvanie et cherche à comprendre pourquoi leurs tentatives d’échapper aux lois sur l’émancipation graduelle se sont heurtées, à plusieurs reprises, aux stratégies des sociétés antiesclavagistes.

The significant role of third-party logistics (3pl) operators as fosterers of organizational performance in colombian companies

La eliminación de barreras entre países es una consecuencia que llega con la globalización y con los acuerdos de TLC firmados en los últimos años. Esto implica un crecimiento significativo del comercio exterior, lo cual se ve reflejado en un aumento de la complejidad de la cadena de suministro de las empresas. Debido a lo anterior, se hace necesaria la búsqueda de alternativas para obtener altos niveles de productividad y competitividad dentro de las empresas en Colombia, ya que el entorno se ha vuelto cada vez más complejo, saturado de competencia no sólo nacional, sino también internacional. Para mantenerse en una posición competitiva favorable, las compañías deben enfocarse en las actividades que le agregan valor a su negocio, por lo cual una de las alternativas que se están adoptando hoy en día es la tercerización de funciones logísticas a empresas especializadas en el manejo de estos servicios. Tales empresas son los Proveedores de servicios logísticos (LSP), quienes actúan como agentes externos a la organización al gestionar, controlar y proporcionar actividades logísticas en nombre de un contratante. Las actividades realizadas pueden incluir todas o parte de las actividades logísticas, pero como mínimo la gestión y ejecución del transporte y almacenamiento deben estar incluidos (Berglund, 2000). El propósito del documento es analizar el papel de los Operadores Logísticos de Tercer nivel (3PL) como promotores del desempeño organizacional en las empresas colombianas, con el fin de informar a las MIPYMES acerca de los beneficios que se obtienen al trabajar con LSP como un medio para mejorar la posición competitiva del país.

La influencia del Blues en la configuración y creación de The Black Panther Party en Estados Unidos (1966)

El trabajo a continuación tiene como objetivo mostrar cómo la música ha estado ligada al afroamericano desde su llegada al continente Americano en 1800, y cómo ha sido usada para lograr una transformación político-social que permitiría alcanzar la igualdad de trato en Estados Unidos durante la mitad del siglo XX. Se observará la evolución del Blues desde sus raíces y la introducción del R&B como expresión de pensamiento, ideas y experiencias utilizado por The Black Panther Party en la escena social negra de la época. Para lograr el objetivo anteriormente mencionado, se utilizará la Teoría de Campos de Pierre Bourdieu, junto con los conceptos de Capital y Habitus.

Security of Two-Party Identity-Based Key Agreement

Identity-based cryptography has become extremely fashionable in the last few years. As a consequence many proposals for identity-based key establishment have emerged, the majority in the two party case. We survey the currently proposed protocols of this type, examining their security and efficiency. Problems with some published protocols are noted.