955 resultados para Al Qaeda


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In a report in the New York Times about a public symposium on the future of theory held at University of Chicago in 2002, staff writer Emily Eakin suggests that theory appears to have taken a back seat to more pressing current affairs – the Bush Administration, Al Qaeda, Iraq. Further, she reports that the symposium’s panel of high-profile theorists and scholars, including Homi Bhabha, Stanley Fish, Fredric Jameson, seemed reticent to offer their views on what is often touted as the demise or irrelevance of theory. The symposium and other commentaries on the topic of theory have prompted the view that the ‘Golden Age of Theory’ has passed and we are now in a ‘Post-Theory Age’. Given these pronouncements, we need to ask – Does theory matter any longer? Is it time for the obituary? Or are reports of the death of theory greatly exaggerated? The question remains whether to mourn or celebrate the demise of theory, and whether the body has in fact breathed its last. The title of this Introduction – ‘Bringing back theory’ – suggests a resurrection, or perhaps a haunting, as if the funeral has passed and, like Banquo’s ghost, theory returns to unsettle or disturb the celebration. It also suggests an entreaty, or perhaps a return performance. Rather than settle on one meaning, one interpretation, we are happy for all possibilities to coexist. The coexistence of different theories, different approaches, different interpretations also reflects the state of literary and cultural studies generally and children’s literature criticism in particular. No single theory or viewpoint predominates or vies for hegemony. Yet, one further question lingers – what is theory?

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On 20 September 2001, the former US President, George W. Bush, declared what is now widely, and arguably infamously, known as a ‘war on terror’. In response to the fatal 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC, President Bush identified the US military response as having far-reaching and long-lasting consequences. It was, he argued, ‘our war on terror’ that began ‘with al Qaeda, but … it will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated’ (CNN 2001). This was to be a war that would, in the words of former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, seek to eliminate a threat that was ‘aimed at the whole democratic world’ (Blair 2001). Blair claimed that this threat is of such magnitude that unprecedented measures would need to be taken to uphold freedom and security. Blair would later admit that it was a war that ‘divided the country’ and was based on evidence ‘about Saddam having actual biological and chemical weapons, as opposed to the capability to develop them, has turned out to be wrong’ (Blair 2004). The failures of intelligence ushered in new political rhetoric in the form of ‘trust me’ because ‘instinct is no science’ (Blair 2004). The war on terror has been one of the most significant international events in the past three decades, alongside the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the end of apartheid in South Africa, the unification of Europe and the marketization of the People's Republic of China. Yet, unlike the other events, it will not be remembered for advancing democracy or sovereignty, but for the conviction politics of particular politicians who chose to dispense with international law and custom in pursuit of personal instincts that proved fatal. Since the invasions of Afghanistan in October 2001 and …

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Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.

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Wheeler, Nicholas, 'Dying for `Enduring Freedom': Accepting Responsibility for Civilian Casualties in the War against Terrorism', International Relations (2002) 16(2) pp.205-225 RAE2008

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Gunning, Jeroen. Hizballah and the logic of political participation, In: 'Terror, Insurgency and the State: Ending Protracted Conflicts', Heiberg, Marianne, O'Leary, Brendan & Tirman, John (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), p.157-188, 2007. RAE2008

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In the last century, Islam drew the world’s attention though such phenomena as the Islamic revolution in Iran, the fierce Muslim resistance against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the assassination of Egypt’s President Sadat by a radical Islamic group. But it was when Osama Bin Laden and his organization Al Qaeda were established to have been behind the 11 September attacks in the US, the age-old images of Islam, the fanatical and belligerent religion threatening what the Western world stands for, were revitalized. The impact of 9/11 attacks was so great that even balanced portrayals of Islam were eclipsed by stereotypical images of a fundamental, anti-Western and warmongering religion that bore the hallmarks of medieval prejudices and rhetoric. The popular image tailored for the Western audience reflected Islam as monolithic, intrinsically aggressive, and determined to engage in religious wars against the interests and values of the Western civilisation.
This book intends to help reduce, at least to a reasonable degree, the impact of sweeping, and at times tendentious, generalisations about Islamic laws of warfare. The main purpose of this book is to place the legal, cultural and historical practices of Islamic wars in their broader socio-political contexts, thereby establishing that there has been no undisputed understanding of what defensive or aggressive warfare entails in Islam, whether in doctrine or in practice.

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Islam's diversity is a direct result of centuries of schism and factionalism, and presents a challenge to the original spirit of unity as envisaged by its founder, the Prophet Mohammed. Rivalry within Islam undermines the precedent notion of unity through communal belonging (tawhid and ummah). Yet in the twenty-first century this diversity is ignored, and political Islam is represented as being more of a monolith than a spectrum of ideas and aspirations. Generally, the materialization of new Islamist groups is a challenge to those who hold that unity is all. In the Gaza Strip, specifically, the dominant Islamist actor, Hamas, is facing internal challenges from other Islamist elements. These rival Islamists are also influenced by events across their border in post-revolutionary Egypt where a plethora of new Islamist actors are vying for political space and power. This article deals with Hamas's Islamist rivals, and the effects they have had on Hamas's governance of the Gaza Strip, and political and religious legitimacy within it. It will focus on ideological and violent disputes between the Islamist elements in Gaza, and the means by which Hamas and its security elements have tackled newly emerging rivals.

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This thesis’ goal is to study the relationship between the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda, notably the hypotheses that the Islamic State derives from Al-Qaeda. The topic to be developed in the following pages is based in reliable sources so that we can obtain the most accurate possible conclusions. In preparation of this report, several quotes were used in order to present correct settings and make logical deductions based on documents. It aims to be a modest contribution to a reflection on the theme, which is addressed in a very general way. Concepts of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism are addressed in the thesis. Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State and the response to terrorism are presented, with the aim of understanding the degree of complexity underlying the Islamic State.

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orismo de inspiração fundamentalista islâmica. Considerando que a Europa ainda continua a ser o principal bastião ocidental dos terroristas de inspiração fundamentalista islâmica, e o facto de existirem portugueses a combater na jihad, no estrangeiro, o risco aumenta consideravelmente. No entanto, não é a prioridade máxima da Al-Qaeda, em particular da Al Qaeda do Magrebe Islâmico, bem como do Estado Islâmico, enquanto nova ameaça, atingir o nosso minúsculo país, mas a probabilidade aumenta consoante o nível de proficiência das polícias e serviços de informações europeus no combate ao terrorismo, isto é, quanto maior for o nível de segurança dos países influentes, como é o caso da França, da Alemanha, da Inglaterra, maior é a probabilidade de sermos atacados, porque os terroristas ao não conseguirem atingir estes países atingirão os de pequena influência, se estes estiverem mais debilitados em termos de segurança. Além disso, a Região Sul de Portugal fez parte do grande califado islâmico durante algum tempo da nossa história, o que potencia também esta ameaça no nosso país, tendo em conta os objetivos estratégicos da Al-Qaeda e do Estado Islâmico, que pretendem a implantação a nível mundial de um califado islâmico. Por último, alguns setores da comunidade muçulmana em Portugal, devem merecer uma atenção especial das autoridades.

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La monografía busca analizar las condiciones que determinan a Argelia y Marruecos como un santuario para las operaciones terroristas de Al-Qaeda, examinando las dimensiones domestica de ingobernabilidad de ambos Estados, las condiciones de favorabilidad para la consolidación del santuario y las implicaciones que representa el santuario para la seguridad internacional a la luz del aumento en la capacidad de influencia y de impacto que le proporciona el santuario a Al-Qaeda a nivel global.

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A partir del año 2001 Pakistán se convirtió en un aliado estratégico para los intereses de Washington en la región. Debido a los ataques del 11-S perpetrados por Al-Qaeda, el panorama de seguridad mundial cambia y Washington decide intervenir con mayor liderazgo en esta materia. Así pues, la política exterior dirigida hacia Pakistán en el período 2001-2010, es un ejemplo claro de cómo EE.UU. por un lado, redefine diferentes conceptos de seguridad en aras de justificar sus actuaciones y por otro, emprende acciones en política exterior que le permiten además de neutralizar las nuevas amenazas, ir en búsqueda de sus intereses en las regiones identificadas como prioritarias para la consecución de sus objetivos nacionales. Es así como, la alianza con Pakistán es una de las estrategias que encuentra EE.UU. para perseguir sus pretensiones políticas, geoestratégicas y de seguridad en el Gran Medio Oriente.

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Este trabajo se enmarcará en la primera presidencia de George W. Bush y más específicamente entre el 11 de septiembre de 2001 cuando se dio el ataque a las torres gemelas y la invasión a Afganistán el 7 de octubre de este mismo año. En consecuencia lo que se busca con este estudio es demostrar que el gobierno estadounidense se ayuda de herramientas y elementos como la comunicación política, la fijación de agenda y el discurso para la inscripción del concepto terrorismo en la agenda gubernamental. Es así como genera un gran poder de influencia a nivel local logrando que los ciudadanos se tornen hacia el Estado y al mismo tiempo logra apoyo internacional generando el clima perfecto para legitimar la guerra anti-terrorista como una respuesta a los hechos ocurridos.

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Los hechos ocurridos durante el 11 de septiembre de 2001 se constituyeron como un momento fundamental en los intentos de conceptualización del terrorismo internacional dentro de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. A raíz del 9/11 tuvo lugar la resemantización del concepto de terrorismo internacional en función del terrorismo religioso y del fundamentalismo islámico. Lo anterior, marco una ruptura en el campo de experiencia y en el horizonte de expectativas del concepto mismo, pues este último adquirió un nuevo uso discursivo, y por ende, político. Por eso, ante la necesidad de emprender un análisis discursivo de los usos del concepto de terrorismo internacional, se evidencia cómo al estar inmersos en determinados juegos del lenguaje, el uso discursivo de este concepto termina por convertirse en una herramienta de acción política que promueve una forma de vida.

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El terrorismo en la actualidad es considerado como uno de los conceptos más controversiales en los campos social, académico y político. El término se empieza a utilizar después de la Revolución Francesa, pero recientemente, a raíz de los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001, ha tomado suma relevancia y ha motivado numerosas investigaciones para tratar de entender qué es terrorismo. Aunque a la fecha existen varias revisiones sistemáticas, este trabajo tiene como propósito revisar, agrupar y concretar diferentes teorías y conceptos formulados por los autores que han trabajado sobre el concepto de “terrorismo” con el fin de entender las implicaciones de su utilización en el discurso, y cómo esto afecta la dinámica interna de las sociedades en relación con la violencia, las creencias, los estereotipos entre otros elementos. Para lograrlo, se revisaron 56 artículos, publicados entre los años 1985 y 2013; 10 fuentes secundarias entre noticias y artículos de periódicos correspondientes a los años 1995-2013 y 10 estudios estadísticos cuyos resultados nos aportan a la comprensión del tema en cuestión. La búsqueda se limitó al desarrollo histórico del terrorismo, sus diferentes dimensiones y el concepto social de la realidad de terrorismo. Los hallazgos demuestran que la palabra “terrorismo” constituye un concepto que como tal es un vehículo lingüístico que puede ser utilizado con fines, estratégicos movilizando al público conforme a través del discurso e intereses políticos, destacando la necesidad de estudiar las implicaciones psicológicas y sociales de su uso.

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Después de los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001, Pakistán se ha convertido en uno de los principales aliados de Estados Unidos para combatir las fuerzas terroristas de Al-Qaeda y los talibán en el centro y sur de Asia. La alianza bilateral no ha manifestado resultados determinantes para aliviar los problemas de seguridad en Pakistán, por el contrario, la yihad islámica se ha fortalecido en su población y los ataques terroristas que atentan contra la población civil y el aparato estatal se vuelven cada vez mas frecuentes, en razón de lo anterior, los grupos insurgentes en Pakistán han fortalecido su capacidad operativa y expandido su escenario de influencia.