The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

L'union Association en Finlande pour la revendication des droits de la femme

14 x 22 cm

L'union Association pour la revendication des droits de la femme en Finlande

12 x 17 cm

Bordering with Culture(s): Europeanization and Cultural Agency at the External Border of the European Union.

Rajallistamisen kulttuuri(t): Eurooppalaistuminen ja kulttuurinen toimijuus Euroopan unionin ulkorajalla Euroopan integraation ja Euroopan unionin laajentumisen myötä EU:n sisärajat ovat avautuneet kun taas sen ulkorajoilla lisääntyvää rajan ylitysten valvontaa on pyritty kompensoimaan yhteistyön merkitystä ja verkostoitumista painottamalla. Tämä tutkimus pyrkii ymmärtämään EU:n ulkorajan muutosten merkitystä paikalliselle hyvinvoinnille sekä laajemmin ylirajaisuuden merkitystä identiteettien rakentamiselle raja-alueilla. EU:n ulkorajalla Puolassa ja Suomessa toteutettavat rajat ylittävät, kulttuuriin ja kulttuuriperintöön liittyvät, projektit kertovat eurooppalaistumisesta ja sen vaikutuksista kulttuurisen horisontin muutokselle. Voidaan nähdä miten Eurooppa kulttuurisena konstruktiona tulee paikallisesti merkittäväksi tavoilla jotka kertovat myös paikallisten toimijoiden mahdollisuuksista osallistua EU-rajan muutoksia ja paikallisuutta määritteleviin prosesseihin. Tällöin erityisesti raja-alueiden materiaalisen perinnön, ja sen mahdollistamien rajaan liittyvien neuvottelujen, voidaan nähdä kertovat Eurooppalaistumisesta myös ns. alhaaltapäin muotoutuvana prosessina. Artikkeliväitöskirjan taustalla on Puolan ja Suomen toisen maailmansodan seurauksena luovuttamien raja-alueiden (Kresy ja Karjala) asema nykyisellä Euroopan unionin ulkorajalla. Tutkimusidea perustuu tutkijan omiin kokemuksiin projekteista Puolan ja Ukrainan raja-alueella vuonna 2003, ennen Puolan liittymistä EU:hun vuonna 2004. Tutkimusaineisto on peräisin vuosien 2005-2009 aikana tehdyistä ns. monipaikkaisista (multi-sited) kenttätöistä EU:n ulkorajalla, pääosin Puolassa ja Suomessa, joissa kohteena olivat kulttuuria ja kulttuuriperintöä hyödyntävät, pääosin EU-rahoitetut, rajat ylittävät projektit. Materiaalit koostuvat 34 projektitoimijan haastatteluista, projektien materiaaleista, kenttätöiden havainnoista, paikallisten sanomalehtien artikkeleista sekä eri tasoilla (EU, kansallinen, alueellinen) tuotetuista ohjelmadokumenteista. Huomio kiinnittyy projektitoimijoiden tapoihin tehdä rajanylityksiä, sekä heidän tapaansa kokea ja hyödyntää raja-alueiden kulttuuriperintöä sekä ymmärtää niiden nykyistä kulttuurista moninaisuutta. Tällöin havaitaan miten erilaiset eurooppalaiset ideat, representaatiot ja käytänteet tulevat osaksi erilaisia translokaaleja, rajat ylittäviä ja paikallis-eurooppalaisia, suhteita. Vertailun kohteeksi eivät tällöin asetu projektit, toimijat tai raja-alueet sinänsä, vaan näihin suhteisiin liittyvä kulttuurinen toimijuus. Keskeinen käsite tutkimuksessa on ’rajallistaminen’, eli sen havaitseminen, miten jokainen rajan ylitys tarkoittaa myös neuvottelua rajasta. Rajan ylitys voi siis tarkoittaa myös sen vahvistamista. Myös itse raja voi asettua toiminnan kohteeksi, jolloin nousee esiin se, miten rajat ylittäviä ”kulttuureja” käytetään ja mitkä ovat niiden rajaan liittyvät paikalliset merkitykset. Kysymys on siitä kuka, ja kenelle, rajan merkityksiä neuvottelee? Projektitoimijoiden voidaan nähdä neuvottelevan näitä erilaisia ”kulttuureja” jotka tuottavat rajaa neuvottelevia suhteita, kuten esimerkiksi yhteistyön verkostojen tapaa ohittaa rajan paikallinen merkitys. Tämä rajallistaminen voi kuitenkin tarkoittaa myös paikallisten kulttuuristen identifikaatioiden huomioimista. Tällöin kyse on myös sen luovuuden havaitsemisesta, jota yksilöillä on kun he neuvottelevat näitä erilaisia rajallistamisen kulttuureja. Erityisesti toisen maailmansodan seurauksena valtiorajoista tuli vahvasti kansallisia kulttuureja erottavia, mutta nyt kulttuurisista rajoista neuvotellaan ja rajojen yli tapahtuva vuorovaikutus, sekä paikallisen ja Eurooppalaisen tason väliset suhteet, ja niiden moniäänisyys, nousevat tutkimuksen keskiöön. Tutkimuksen yhteenvedon kannalta keskeinen on kysymys raja/alueen kestävyydestä. Tyypillisesti verkostoitumista painottavan rajat ylittävän yhteistyön suhde paikalliseen yhteisöön voi jäädä häilyväksi. Tavoite paikallisen kulttuuriperinnön suojeluun ei itsessään vielä kerro sen merkityksestä paikalliselle hyvinvoinnille. Arvioinnin kannalta on hyödyllistä nähdä miten myös materiaalisella perinnöllä on toimijuutta osana paikallisuutta muokkaavia suhteita. Paikallisten asukkaiden kokemus rajasta voi edelleen olla että se ei ole muuttunut Neuvostoliiton ajoista, toisaalta EU:nkin voidaan toivoa määrittelemään rajansa vielä tarkemmin, jotta sen kansallinen luonne muuttuisi. Tutkimus nostaa esiin miten eurooppalaiset yhteistyötä ja kulttuurista moninaisuutta korostavat ideat ja käytänteet vaikuttavat erityisesti puolalaisten toimijoiden mahdollisuuksiin määritellä EU-rajaan liittyviä prosesseja osana paikallisia kulttuuriperinnön määrittelyjä. Paikallisten rajaan liittyvien kulttuuristen identifikaatioiden liittäminen osaksi projekteja ei kuitenkaan ole helppoa. Toisaalta rajan merkitys on sisäistetty osana arkea, toisaalta taas rajaan liittyvät suuret kertomukset kansallisena ja EU-rajana voivat olla etäännyttäviä tekijöitä. EU-raja, projektit ja monikulttuurisen perinnön autenttisuus ovat kuitenkin raja-alueen toimijoille ja yhteisöille mahdollisuus osallistua rajallistamiseen. Toiminnan kestävyyden kannalta kyse on pitkälti siitä avaako rajallistaminen paikallisen perinnön merkityksiä osana paikallis-eurooppalaisia suhteita.

Adult education policy in the European Union during the Lisbon decade : the shift to vocational adult learning and work skills matching

This doctoral dissertation investigates the adult education policy of the European Union (EU) in the framework of the Lisbon agenda 2000–2010, with a particular focus on the changes of policy orientation that occurred during this reference decade. The year 2006 can be considered, in fact, a turning point for the EU policy-making in the adult learning sector: a radical shift from a wide--ranging and comprehensive conception of educating adults towards a vocationally oriented understanding of this field and policy area has been observed, in particular in the second half of the so--called ‘Lisbon decade’. In this light, one of the principal objectives of the mainstream policy set by the Lisbon Strategy, that of fostering all forms of participation of adults in lifelong learning paths, appears to have muted its political background and vision in a very short period of time, reflecting an underlying polarisation and progressive transformation of European policy orientations. Hence, by means of content analysis and process tracing, it is shown that the new target of the EU adult education policy, in this framework, has shifted from citizens to workers, and the competence development model, borrowed from the corporate sector, has been established as the reference for the new policy road maps. This study draws on the theory of governance architectures and applies a post-ontological perspective to discuss whether the above trends are intrinsically due to the nature of the Lisbon Strategy, which encompasses education policies, and to what extent supranational actors and phenomena such as globalisation influence the European governance and decision--making. Moreover, it is shown that the way in which the EU is shaping the upgrading of skills and competences of adult learners is modeled around the needs of the ‘knowledge economy’, thus according a great deal of importance to the ‘new skills for new jobs’ and perhaps not enough to life skills in its broader sense which include, for example, social and civic competences: these are actually often promoted but rarely implemented in depth in the EU policy documents. In this framework, it is conveyed how different EU policy areas are intertwined and interrelated with global phenomena, and it is emphasised how far the building of the EU education systems should play a crucial role in the formation of critical thinking, civic competences and skills for a sustainable democratic citizenship, from which a truly cohesive and inclusive society fundamentally depend, and a model of environmental and cosmopolitan adult education is proposed in order to address the challenges of the new millennium. In conclusion, an appraisal of the EU’s public policy, along with some personal thoughts on how progress might be pursued and actualised, is outlined.

The European Union and Assembling Biofuel Development – topological investigations concerning the associations between law, policy and space

Biofuels for transport are a renewable source of energy that were once heralded as a solution to multiple problems associated with poor urban air quality, the overproduction of agricultural commodities, the energy security of the European Union (EU) and climate change. It was only after the Union had implemented an incentivizing framework of legal and political instruments for the production, trade and consumption of biofuels that the problems of weakening food security, environmental degradation and increasing greenhouse gases through land-use changes began to unfold. In other words, the difference between political aims for why biofuels are promoted and their consequences has grown – which is also recognized by the EU policy-makers. Therefore, the global networks of producing, trading and consuming biofuels may face a complete restructure if the European Commission accomplishes its pursuit to sideline crop-based biofuels after 2020. My aim with this dissertation is not only to trace the manifold evolutions of the instruments used by the Union to govern biofuels but also to reveal how this evolution has influenced the dynamics of biofuel development. Therefore, I study the ways the EU’s legal and political instruments of steering biofuels are coconstitutive with the globalized spaces of biofuel development. My analytical strategy can be outlined through three concepts. I use the term ‘assemblage’ to approach the operations of the loose entity of actors and non-human elements that are the constituents of multi-scalar and -sectorial biofuel development. ‘Topology’ refers to the spatiality of this European biofuel assemblage and its parts whose evolving relations are treated as the active constituents of space, instead of simply being located in space. I apply the concept of ‘nomosphere’ to characterize the framework of policies, laws and other instruments that the EU applies and construes while attempting to govern biofuels. Even though both the materials and methods vary in the independent articles, these three concepts characterize my analytical strategy that allows me to study law, policy and space associated with each other. The results of my examinations underscore the importance of the instruments of governance of the EU constituting and stabilizing the spaces of producing and, on the other hand, how topological ruptures in biofuel development have enforced the need to reform policies. This analysis maps the vast scope of actors that are influenced by the mechanism of EU biofuel governance and, what is more, shows how they are actively engaging in the Union’s institutional policy formulation. By examining the consequences of fast biofuel development that are spatially dislocated from the established spaces of producing, trading and consuming biofuels such as indirect land use changes, I unfold the processes not tackled by the instruments of the EU. Indeed, it is these spatially dislocated processes that have pushed the Commission construing a new type of governing biofuels: transferring the instruments of climate change mitigation to land-use policies. Although efficient in mitigating these dislocated consequences, these instruments have also created peculiar ontological scaffolding for governing biofuels. According to this mode of governance, the spatiality of biofuel development appears to be already determined and the agency that could dampen the negative consequences originating from land-use practices is treated as irrelevant.