1000 resultados para Shipping -- Canada.


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Little is known about herpesviruses in Canadian pinnipeds. We measured prevalence of antibodies to herpesviruses in the sera from Canadian phocid seals by an indirect enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Wild harbor seals (Phoca vitulina) and captive harbor seals were positive for antibodies to Phocid herpesvirus 1 (PhoHV-1) at prevalences of 91% and 100%, respectively. Sera from wild hooded seals (Cystophora cristata), harp seals (Pagophilus groenlandica), and grey seals (Halichoerus grypus) were positive for antibodies to PhoHV-1 antigenically related herpesvirus antigens at 73%, 79%, and 96%, respectively. We isolated new herpesviruses in cell culture from two hunter-harvested ringed seals (Pusa hispida) in poor body condition from Ulukhaktok, Northwest Territories, Canada; one lethargic hooded seal from the St. Lawrence Estuary, Québec, Canada; and one captive, asymptomatic harp seal from the Magdalen Islands, Québec. Partial sequencing of the herpesvirus DNA polymerase gene revealed that all four virus isolates were closely related to PhoHV-2, a member of the Gammaherpesvirinae subfamily, with nucleotide similarity ranging between 92.8% and 95.3%. The new seal herpesviruses were genetically related to other known pinniped herpesviruses, such as PhoHV-1, Otariid herpesvirus 3, Hawaiian monk (Monachus schauinslandi) seal herpesvirus, and Phocid herpesvirus 5 with 47–48%, 55%, 77%, and 70–77% nucleotide similarities, respectively. The harp seal herpesvirus and both ringed seal herpesviruses were almost identical to each other, whereas the hooded seal herpesvirus was genetically different from the three others (92.8% nucleotide similarity), indicating detection of at least two novel seal herpesviruses. These findings are the first isolation, partial genome sequencing, and identification of seal gammaherpesviruses in three species of Canadian phocid seals; two species of which were suspected of exposure to one or more antigenically related herpesviruses based on serologic analyses.

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Ce texte constitue le manuscrit final de l'article publié dans le Jahrbuch des öffentlichen Rechts.

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This paper approaches the topic of urban/community gardening not through the lens of urban theory per se but in light of basic farming realities such as growing season and land availability. Food security comprises availability and affordability. In the context of North American and Western European societies, only food affordability normally merits public discourse. In practice, governments have little or no means to change food affordability, in view of prevailing capitalistic free-market structures. In the current wave of popular exuberance, civic politicians and others have promoted the belief that community gardening could be the pathway to produce affordable food. The formidable obstacles to this pursuit include the availability of (low-cost) land within the highly-densified city limit, insufficient ambient temperature and water supply during the growing season and the contemporary structure of society. Overcoming these fundamental hurdles carries significant negative environmental and economic consequences.

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The article attempts to explain the main paradox faced by Canada at formulating its foreign policy on international security. Explained in economic and political terms, this paradox consists in the contradiction between the Canadian ability to achieve its strategic goals, serving to its own national interest and its dependence on the United States. The first section outlines three representative examples to evaluate this paradox: the Canada’s position in North American security regime, the US-Canada economic security relations, and the universe of possibilities for action of Canada as a middle power. The second section suggests that liberal agenda, especially concerning to ethical issues, has been established by this country to minimize this paradox. By pursing this agenda, Canada is able to reaffirm its national identity and therefore its independence on the United States. The third section evaluates both the explained paradox and the reaffirmation of Canadian identity during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper’s (2006) governments.

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Currently bilateral trade between Canada and Colombia is low. In 2003, this trade amounted to US $489 million, with Co­lombian imports from Canada totaling US $ 213 million (DOTS, 2004). Canada supplied approximately 4.0% of Colombia’s total trade (total imports and total ex­ports), in contrast Colombia supplied only around 0.1% of the Canadian total trade. In 2005, Colombia was the third largest Canadian partner in South America after Brazil and Venezuela. The objective of this paper is to analyze the trade performance between Canada and Colombia using a modified gravity equation to identify the most relevant historical factors that have shaped the evo­lution of this bilateral trade in the long run (during the period from 1953 to 2003). The analysis includes traditional economic va­riables (such as population and income of the importing and exporting countries). In order to understand the qualitative nature of the evolution of this bilateral trade the second objective is to review the evolving nature of trade including commodity com­position and trade characteristics.  

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A general conclusion of the history of the Canadian press demonstrates that state was built after true journalism had been consolidating. Press development went along with economic progress and this was achievable, in great measure, because of the manner colonization took place in North America. This aided the de facto nationalization of press freedom in Canada. In Colombia, on the contrary, wealth concentration and the Spanish failure to build an economic market, resulted in a constant political instability from the time the Independence War. Legal and the de facto nationalization would be attained only at the end of the twentieth century, though journalism was already part of the institutional arrangement.-----Una conclusión general de la historia de la prensa canadiense demuestra que el estado actual se construyó después de haberse consolidado el verdadero periodismo. El desarrollo de la prensa fue paralelo al progreso económico y se pudo lograr en gran medida por la forma en que se colonizó Norteamérica. Esto ayudó a la nacionalización de facto de la libertad de prensa en Canadá. En Colombia, por el contrario, la concentración de la riqueza y el hecho de que los españoles no construyeran un mercado económico produjeron una inestabilidad política constante desde la época de la Guerra por la Independencia. La nacionalización legal y de hecho solamente se logró a finales del siglo XX, aunque el periodismo ya era parte de la organización institucional. 

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