1000 resultados para South Pole
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This Article does not have an abstract.
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Our previous studies have shown that two distinct genotypes of Sindbis (SIN) virus occur in Australia. One of these, the Oriental/Australian type, circulates throughout most of the Australian continent, whereas the recently identified south-west (SW) genetic type appears to be restricted to a distinct geographic region located in the temperate south-west of Australia. We have now determined the complete nucleotide and translated amino acid sequences of a SW isolate of SIN virus (SW6562) and performed comparative analyses with other SIN viruses at the genomic level. The genome of SW6562 is 11,569 nucleotides in length, excluding the cap nucleotide and poly (A) tail. Overall this virus differs from the prototype SIN virus (strain AR339) by 23% in nucleotide sequence and 12.5% in amino acid sequence. Partial sequences of four regions of the genome of four SW isolates were determined and compared with the corresponding sequences from a number of SIN isolates from different regions of the World. These regions are the non-structural protein (nsP3), the E2 gene, the capsid gene, and the repeated sequence elements (RSE) of the 3'UTR. These comparisons revealed that the SW SIN viruses were more closely related to South African and European strains than to other Australian isolates of SIN virus. Thus the SW genotype of SIN virus may have been introduced into this region of Australia by viremic humans or migratory birds and subsequently evolved independently in the region. The sequence data also revealed that the SW genotype contains a unique deletion in the RSE of the 3'UTR region of the genome. Previous studies have shown that deletions in this region of the SIN genome can have significant effects on virus replication in mosquito and avian cells, which may explain the restricted distribution of this genotype of SIN virus.
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A grazing trial was conducted to quantify N cycling in degraded Leucaena leucocephala (leucaena)-Brachiaria decumbens (signal grass) pastures grown on an acid, infertile, podzolic soil in south-east Queensland. Nitrogen accumulation and cycling in leucaena-signal grass pastures were evaluated for 9 weeks until all of the leucaena on offer (mean 600 kg edible dry matter (EDM)/ha, 28% of total pasture EDM) was consumed. Nitrogen pools in the grass, leucaena, soil, cattle liveweight, faeces and urine were estimated. The podzolic soil (pH 4.8-5.9) was found to be deficient in P, Ca and K. Leucaena leaf tissues contained deficient levels of N, P and Ca. Grass tissues were deficient in N and P. Grazing was found to cycle 65% of N on offer in pasture herbage. However, due to the effect of the plant nutrient imbalances described above, biological N fixation by leucaena contributed only 15 kg/ha N to the pasture system over the 9-month regrowth period, of which 13 kg/ha N was cycled. Cattle retained 1.8 kg/ha N (8% of total N consumed) in body tissue and the remainder was excreted in dung and urine in approximately equal proportions. Mineral soil N concentrations did not change significantly (-3.5 kg/ha N) over the trial period. The ramifications of grazing and fertiliser management strategies, and implications for pasture rundown and sustainability are discussed.
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The article discusses if nationalism is getting in the way of regional integration through a Brazilian prism due to Brazils pivotal role in regional integration in Mercosur and South America.
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The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region
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This article argues that Brazil went from a posture of estrangement in relation to the hemispheric project represented by the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) to a strategy of cooperative hegemony aimed at institutionalizing the South American space and increasing the costs of the FTAA for the United States. Although Brazil was initially isolated, US lack of leadership combined with events at the subregional level ended up turning the tide in the direction of Brazilian interests. These factors help to understand the current institutional configuration of South America.
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In recent years, with some frequency it is heard that Latin America, especially South America, is witnessing the rise of an arms race. Frequent reports in the press and strong statements made by politicians in the region have fueled this fear. At the same time, scholars have also reached to this conclusion, as pointed out by Malamud and Garcia: "The famous arms race in Latin America, led by Venezuela, is no longer just talk."
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South America's predominant democratic regimes and its increasing interdependence on regional trade have not precluded the emergence of militarized crises between Colombia and Venezuela or the revival of boundary claims between Chile and Peru. This way, how can we characterize a zone that, in spite of its flourishing democracy and dense economic ties, remain involved in territorial disputes for whose resolution the use of force has not yet been discarded? This article contends that existing classifications of zones of peace are not adequate to explain this unusual coexistence. Thus, its main purpose is to develop a new analytical category of regional peace for assessing this phenomenon: the hybrid peace. It aims to research the evolution of security systems in South America during the previous century and build a new, threefold classification of peace zones: negative peace zones, hybrid peace zones, and positive peace zones.
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This paper analyzes People's Republic of China (PRC) economic and political ascendance in the 21st century focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral "Global South." The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America) in the 21st century, characterized as a new Center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call as "Asian Consensus."
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The rise of large developing countries has led to considerable discussions of re-balancing global relations and giving greater priority to understanding South-South relations. This paper, in exploring the central ideas of Chinese and Brazilian foreign policy and the behavior of these two rising Southern countries toward Sub-Saharan Africa, argues that the English School of International Relations is well suited to understanding the intentions and actions that characterize South-South relations.
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Abstract This article provides a comprehensive picture of IR in South America by applying content analysis to 7,857 articles published in 35 journals from six South American countries from 2006 to 2014 in order to discover what the predominant theories, methods and research areas in this field are, how scholars tend to combine them in their research designs, and what the profiles of regional journals are, regarding their epistemological, methodological and subject preferences. The findings reveal a predominantly Positivist and largely Qualitative discipline, resembling North American and European IR.