1000 resultados para Shipping -- Canada.


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In power since January 2006, the leader of the Canadian Conservative party, Stephen Harper, promised to break with the previous governments’ “domineering” style of governance and to put into practice a new type of “open federalism.” Specifically, this approach involved correcting the fiscal imbalance between Ottawa and the provinces, taking measures to recognize Quebec’s specificity, and limiting the federal government’s recourse to an alleged spending power. This article briefly surveys the foundations of Canadian politics and the years when the Liberal party was in power, between 1993 and 2006, to assess the measures adopted by the Harper government, particularly with respect to the spending power. This power is not attributed in the constitution nor is it founded on clear jurisprudence, but Ottawa still claims and invokes it. Despite ther promises, the Conservatives have failed to offer a satisfactory formula for limiting its usage. So, Canada remains driven by the centralising process that has prevailed since the start of the 1980’s.

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The history of Alberta's meatpacking workers is closely connected with the broader historical struggles of the working class in North America. Like their counterparts from the packinghouses in Toronto and Montreal, the workers of Calgary and Edmonton organized and fought for union recognition between 1911 and 1920, thus joining a labour revolt that was spreading throughout Europe and North America in the wake of World War I and the October Revolution. They faced stiff resistance.

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Peu de fédérations ont autant de débats et de conflits que le Canada autour du respect de la division des pouvoirs et des revenus. La mise en œuvre de ces principes constitutionnels ne va en effet jamais de soi. Pour la protection sociale, ces interrogations mettent en cause respectivement le partage des compétences, la distribution des revenus dans la fédération, et les grandes orientations de politiques sociales à privilégier pour l’ensemble du pays et dans chaque province. C’est presque toujours le Québec qui se retrouve au cœur des tensions existentielles qui animent la fédération canadienne.

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Robert Bourbeau, département de démographie (Directeur de recherche) Marianne Kempeneers, département de sociologie (Codirectrice de recherche)

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La pagination de cette version (p.105-123) est différente de celle du document original (p.91-107).

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Éditorial du 27 février 2015

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Série de l'Observatoire des fédérations

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Objective: The aim of this study was to estimate costs attributable to substance use and misuse in Canada in 2002. Method: Based on information about prevalence of exposure and risk relations for more than 80 disease categories, deaths, years of life lost, and hospitalizations attributable to substance use and misuse were estimated. In addition, substance-attributable fractions for criminal justice expenditures were derived. Indirect costs were estimated using a modified human capital approach. Results: Costs of substance use and misuse totaled almost Can. $40 billion in 2002. The total cost per capita for substance use and misuse was about Can. $1,267: Can. $463 for alcohol, Can. $262 for illegal drugs, and Can. $541 for tobacco. Legal substances accounted for the vast majority of these costs (tobacco: almost 43% of total costs; alcohol: 37%). Indirect costs or productivity losses were the largest cost category (61%), followed by health care (22%) and law enforcement costs (14%). More than 40,000 people died in Canada in 2002 because of substance use and misuse: 37,209 deaths were attributable to tobacco, 4,258 were attributable to alcohol, and 1,695 were attributable to illegal drugs. A total of about 3.8 million hospital days were attributable to substance use and misuse, again mainly to tobacco. Conclusions: Substance use and misuse imposes a considerable economic toll on Canadian society and requires more preventive efforts.

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This study aims at understanding how elementary school principals in disadvantaged areas implement transformative leadership for social justice. Our previous studies showed that social justice is rarely present in principals’ discourse. Using a transformative leadership framework, we analysed data from the observation of these school principals. Data failed to show evidence of transformative behaviour on the part of principals. Because of some concerns and questions that arose from these findings, we found and interviewed three outstanding elementary school principals who are implementing transformative leadership in their schools. In contrast with our previous data, our present data shows that these principals have a rich view of social justice, that they see instances of inequities in their schools, that they identify situations in which they can implement transformative leadership, and that they report intervening to fight inequities. We also discuss the implications of these results in the follow-up of our research programme.

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For this paper, heterolingualism or language plurality will be considered as the presence in a single text or in a social environment of both French and English, Canadas official languages. Language plurality will here be studied from an institutional viewpoint: the influence of the Canadian government on the translation of political speeches. The first part of this article will establish that political speeches are written in a bilingual environment where the two official languages are often in contact. This bilingualism, however, is often homogenised when it comes to speech delivery and publication. Therefore, the second part focuses on the speeches’ paratextual

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Compte rendu critique du livre « Theatre in French Canada : laying the foundations, 1606-1867 » de Leonard E. Doucette, Toronto : University of Toronto Press, coll. «University of Toronto Romance Series», n° 52,1984.

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Résumé du livre « Video games around the world » sur le site de MIT Press : https://mitpress.mit.edu/index.php?q=node/249697.

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Introduction : The acute care surgery (ACS) units are dedicated to the prompt management of surgical emergencies. It is a systemic way of organizing on-call services to diminish conflict between urgent care and elective obligations. The aim of this study was to define the characteristics of an ACS unit and to find common criteria in units with reported good functioning. Methods : As of July 1st 2014, 22 Canadian hospitals reported having an ACS unit. A survey with questions about the organization of the ACS units, the population it serves, the number of emergencies and trauma cases treated per year, and the satisfaction about the implementation of this ACS unit was sent to those hospitals. Results : The survey’s response rate was 73%. The majority of hospitals were tertiary or quaternary centers, served a population of more than 200 000 and had their ACS unit for more than three years. The median number of surgeons participating in an ACS unit was 8.5 and the majority were doing seven day rotations. The median number of operating room days was 2.5 per week. Most ACS units (85%) had an estimated annual volume of more than 2500 emergency consultations (including both trauma and non-trauma) and 80% operated over 1000 cases per year. Nearly all the respondents (94%) were satisfied with the implementation of the ACS unit in their hospital. Conclusion : Most surgeons felt that the implementation of an ACS unit resulted in positive outcomes. However, there should be a sizeable catchment population and number of surgical emergencies to justify the resulting financial and human resources.